IS BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA A MUSLIM? YES

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Barack Obama a Muslim? Yes

Was Barack Obama a Muslim?

Original title: "Obama and Islam"

By Daniel Pipes
FrontPageMagazine.com
December 24, 2007

"If I were a Muslim I would let you know," Barack Obama has
said, and I believe him. In fact, he is a practicing
Christian, a member of the Trinity United Church of Christ.
He is not now a Muslim.

But was he ever a Muslim or seen by others as a Muslim?
More precisely, might Muslims consider him a murtadd
(apostate), that is, a Muslim who converted to another
religion and, therefore, someone whose blood may be shed?

The candidate for president of the United States has
delivered two principal statements in reply. His campaign
website carries a statement dated Nov. 12 with the
headline, "Barack Obama Is Not and Has Never Been a
Muslim," followed by: "Obama never prayed in a mosque. He
has never been a Muslim, was not raised a Muslim, and is a
committed Christian."

Then, on Dec. 22, in the unlikely setting of the Smoky Row
Coffee Shop in Oskaloosa, Iowa, as he munched on pumpkin
pie and drank tea with four locals, Obama provided more
detail took on this topic than before. When asked to
explain his Muslim heritage, he replied:

My father was from Kenya, and a lot of people in his
village were Muslim. He didn't practice Islam. Truth is he
wasn't very religious. He met my mother. My mother was a
Christian from Kansas, and they married and then divorced.
I was raised by my mother. So, I've always been a
Christian. The only connection I've had to Islam is that my
grandfather on my father's side came from that country. But
I've never practiced Islam. ? For a while, I lived in
Indonesia because my mother was teaching there. And that's
a Muslim country. And I went to school. But I didn't
practice. But what I do think it does is it gives me
insight into how these folks think, and part of how I think
we can create a better relationship with the Middle East
and that would help make us safer is if we can understand
how they think about issues.

These statements raise two questions: What is Obama's true
connection to Islam and what implications might this have
for an Obama presidency?

Was Obama Ever a Muslim?

"I've always been a Christian," said Obama, focusing on his
own personal lack of practice of Islam as a child to deny
any connection to Islam. But Muslims do not see practice as
key. For them, that he was born to a line of Muslim males
makes him born a Muslim. Further, all children born with an
Arabic name based on the H-S-N trilateral root (Hussein,
Hassan, and others) can be assumed to be Muslim, so they
will understand Obama's full name, Barack Hussein Obama, to
proclaim him a born Muslim.

More: family and friends considered him as a child to be
Muslim. In " Obama Debunks Claim About Islamic School,"
Nedra Pickler of the Associated Press wrote on January 24,
2007, that Obama's mother, divorced from Obama's father,
married a man from Indonesia named Lolo Soetoro, and the
family relocated to the country from 1967-71. At first,
Obama attended the Catholic school, Fransiskus Assisis,
where documents showed he enrolled as a Muslim, the
religion of his stepfather. The document required that each
student choose one of five state-sanctioned religions when
registering ? Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, Catholic or
Protestant.

Asked about this, Obama communications director Robert
Gibbs responded by indicating to Pickler that he wasn't
sure why the document had Obama listed as a Muslim.
"Senator Obama has never been a Muslim."

Two months later, Paul Watson of the Los Angeles Times
(available online in a Baltimore Sun reprint) reported that
the Obama campaign had retreated from that absolute
statement and instead issued a more nuanced one: "Obama has
never been a practicing Muslim." The Times looked into the
matter further and learned more about his Indonesian
interlude:

his former Roman Catholic and Muslim teachers, along with
two people who were identified by Obama's grade-school
teacher as childhood friends, say Obama was registered by
his family as a Muslim at both schools he attended. That
registration meant that during the third and fourth grades,
Obama learned about Islam for two hours each week in
religion class.

The childhood friends say Obama sometimes went to Friday
prayers at the local mosque. "We prayed but not really
seriously, just following actions done by older people in
the mosque," Zulfin Adi said. "But as kids, we loved to
meet our friends and went to the mosque together and
played." Obama's younger sister, MMaya Soetoro, said in a
statement released by the campaign that the family attended
the mosque only "for big communal events," not every
Friday.

Recalling Obama's time in Indonesia, the Times account
contains quotes that Obama "went to the mosque," and that
he "was Muslim."

Summarized, available evidence suggests Obama was born a
Muslim to a non-practicing Muslim father and for some years
had a reasonably Muslim upbringing under the auspices of
his Indonesian step-father. At some point, he converted to
Christianity. It appears false to state, as Obama does,
"I've always been a Christian" and "I've never practiced
Islam." The campaign appears to be either ignorant or
fabricating when it states that "Obama never prayed in a
mosque."

Implications of Obama's Conversion

Obama's conversion to another faith, in short, makes him a
murtadd.

That said, the punishment for childhood apostasy is less
severe than for the adult version. As Robert Spencer points
out, "according to Islamic law an apostate male is not to
be put to death if he has not reached puberty (cf. 'Umdat
al-Salik o8.2; Hidayah vol. II p. 246). Some, however, hold
that he should be imprisoned until he is of age and then
'invited' to accept Islam, but officially the death penalty
for youthful apostates is ruled out."

On the positive side, were Obama prominently charged with
apostasy, that would uniquely raise the issue of a Muslim's
right to change religion, taking a topic on the perpetual
back-burner and placing it front and center, perhaps to the
great future benefit of those Muslims who seek to declare
themselves atheists or to convert to another religion.

But would Muslims seeing Obama as a murtadd significantly
affect an Obama presidency? The only precedent to judge by
is that of Carlos Sal Menem, the president of Argentina
from 1989 to 1999. The son of two Muslim Syrian immigrants
and husband of another Syrian-Argentine, Zulema Fatima
Yoma, Menem converted to Roman Catholicism. His wife said
publicly that Menem left Islam for political
reasons...because Argentinean law until 1994 required the
president of the country to be a member of the Church. From
a Muslim point of view, NYT 8 Jan 89, Menem's conversion is
worse than Obama's, having been done as an adult.
Nonetheless, Menem was not threatened or otherwise made to
pay a price for his change of religion, even during his
trips to majority-Muslim countries, Syria in particular.

It is one thing to be president of Argentina in the 1990s,
however, and another to be president of the United States
in 2009. One must assume that some Islamists would renounce
him as a murtadd and would try to execute him. Given the
protective bubble surrounding an American president,
though, this threat presumably would not make much
difference to his carrying out his duties.

More significantly, how would more mainstream Muslims
respond to him, would they be angry at what they would
consider his apostasy? That reaction is a real possibility,
one that could undermine his initiatives toward the Muslim
world.

More at:
http://www.danielpipes.org/article/5286

Obama's Church: Cauldron of Division

By Jim Davis
Thursday, August 9, 2007

Presidential candidate Barack Obama preaches on the
campaign trail that America needs a new consensus based on
faith and bipartisanship, yet he continues to attend a
controversial Chicago church whose pastor routinely refers
to "white arrogance" and "the United States of White
America."

In fact, Obama was in attendance at the church when these
statements were made on July 22.

Obama has spoken and written of his special relationship
with that pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright, Jr.

The connection between the two goes back to Obama's days as
a young community organizer in Chicago's South Side when he
first met the charismatic Wright. Obama credited Wright
with converting him, then a religious skeptic, to
Christianity.

"It was ... at Trinity United Church of Christ on the South
Side of Chicago that I met Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr., who
took me on another journey and introduced me to a man named
Jesus Christ. It was the best education I ever had," Obama
described his spiritual pilgrimage to a group of church
ministers this past June.

Since the 1980s, Obama has not only remained a regular
attendee at Wright's services in his inner city mega
church, Trinity United Church of Christ, along with its
other 8,500 members, he's been a close disciple and
personal friend of Wright.

Wright conducted Obama's marriage to his wife Michelle,
baptized his two daughters, and blessed Obama's Chicago
home. Obama's best-selling book, "The Audacity of Hope,"
takes its title from one of Wright's sermon.

Because of this close relationship, questions have been
raised as to the influence the divisive pastor will have on
the consensus-building potential president.

Obama and Wright appear, at first blush, an unlikely pair.
Wright is Chicago's version of the Rev. Al Sharpton.

It was no surprise that Sharpton recently announced that
with Wright's backing, he was setting up a chapter of his
New York-based National Action Network in Chicagoland. The
chapter will be headed by Wright's daughter, Jeri Wright.

Minister of Controversy

Obama was not the only national African-American figure to
cozy up to Wright. TV host Oprah Winfrey once described
herself as a congregant, but in recent years has
disassociated herself from the controversial minister.

A visit to Wright's Trinity United is anything but Oprah-
style friendly.

As I approached the entrance of the church before a recent
Sunday service, a large young man in an expensive suit
stepped out to block the doorway.

"What are you doing here?" he asked.

"I came to hear Dr. Wright," I replied.

After an uncomfortable pause, the gentleman stepped aside.

On this particular July Sabbath morning, only a handful of
white men -- aside from a few members of Obama's Secret
Service detail -- were present among a congregation of
approximately 2,500 people.

The floral arrangements were extravagant. Wright, his
associate pastors, choir members, and many of the gentlemen
in the congregation were attired in traditional African
dashiki robes. African drums accompanied the organist.

Trinity United bears the motto "Unashamedly Black and
Unapologetically Christian."

Wright says its doctrine reflects black liberation
theology, which views the Bible in part as a record of the
struggles of "people of color" against oppression.

A skilled and fiery orator, Wright's interpretation of the
Scriptures has been described as "Afrocentric."

When referring to the Romans, for example, he refers to
"European oppression" -- not addressing the fact that the
Egyptians, who were also a slave society, were people of
Africa.

The Trinity United Web site tells of a "commitment to the
black community, commitment to the black family, adherence
to the black work ethic, pledge to make all the fruits of
developing acquired skills available to the black
community."

"Some white people hear it as racism in reverse," Dwight
Hopkins, a professor at the University of Chicago Divinity
School, a member of the Trinity United Church of Christ,
tells The New York Times. Blacks tend to hear a different
message, Hopkins says: "Yes, we are somebody; we're also
made in God's image."

Controversy Abounds

Several prior remarks by Obama's pastor have caught the
media's attention:

o Wright on 9/11: "White America got their wake-up call
after 9/11. White America and the Western world came to
realize people of color had not gone away, faded in the
woodwork, or just disappeared as the Great White West kept
on its merry way of ignoring black concerns." On the Sunday
after the attacks, Dr. Wright blamed America.

o Wright on the disappearance of Natalee Holloway:
"Black women are being raped daily in Africa. One white
girl from Alabama gets drunk at a graduation trip to Aruba,
goes off and gives it up while in a foreign country and
that stays in the news for months."

o Wright on Israel: "The Israelis have illegally
occupied Palestinian territories for over 40 years now.
Divestment has now hit the table again as a strategy to
wake the business community and wake up Americans
concerning the injustice and the racism under which the
Palestinians have lived because of Zionism."

o Wright on America: He has used the term
"middleclassness" in a derogatory manner; frequently
mentions "white arrogance" and the "oppression" of African-
Americans today; and has referred to "this racist United
States of America."

Bush's Bulls--t

Wright's strong sentiments were echoed in the Sunday
morning service attended by NewsMax.

Wright laced into America's establishment, blaming the
"white arrogance" of America's Caucasian majority for the
woes of the world, especially the oppression suffered by
blacks.

To underscore the point he refers to the country as the
"United States of White America."

Many in the congregation, including Obama, nodded in
apparent agreement as these statements were made.

The sermon also addressed the Iraq war, a frequent area of
Wright's fulminations.

"Young African-American men," Wright thundered, were "dying
for nothing." The "illegal war," he shouted, was "based on
Bush's lies" and is being "fought for oil money."

In a sermon filled with profanity, Wright also blamed the
war on "Bush administration bulls--t."

Those are the types of statements that have led to MSNBC's
Tucker Carlson describing Wright as "a full-blown hater."

Wright first came to national attention in 1984, when he
visited Castro's Cuba and Col. Muammar Gaddafi's Libya.

Wright's Libyan visit came three years after a pair of
Libyan fighter jets fired on American aircraft over
international waters in the Mediterranean Sea, and four
years before the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over
Lockerbie, Scotland ? which resultted in the deaths of 259
passengers and crew. The U.S. implicated Gaddafi and his
intelligence services in the bombing.

In recent years, Wright has focused his diatribe on
America's war on terror and the U.S. occupation of Iraq.

For a February 2003 service, Wright placed a "War on Iraq
IQ Test" on the Pastor's Page of the church Web site. The
test consisted of a series of questions and answers that
clearly portrayed America as the aggressor, and the war as
unjustified and illegal. Marginally relevant issues
regarding Israel received attention.

The test also portrayed the Iraqi people as victims of
trade sanctions, but Saddam Hussein's propensity for using
"oil for food" proceeds to build palaces rather than buy
medicine was never mentioned.

At the end of the test, the pastor wrote, "Members of
Trinity are asked to think about these things and be
prayerful as we sift through the 'hype' being poured on by
the George Bush-controlled media." Obama's campaign staff
did not respond to a NewsMax request for the senator's
response to Wright's statements.

In April, however, Obama spoke to The New York Times about
Wright, and appeared to be trying to distance himself from
his spiritual mentor. He said, "We don't agree on
everything. I've never had a thorough conversation with him
about all aspects of politics."

More specifically, Obama told the Times, "The violence of
9/11 was inexcusable and without justification," adding "It
sounds like [Wright] was trying to be provocative."

Obama attributed Wright's controversial views to Wright
being "a child of the '60s" who Obama said "expresses
himself in that language of concern with institutional
racism, and the struggles the African-American community
has gone through."

"It is hard to imagine, though, how Mr. Obama can truly
distance himself from Mr. Wright," writes Jodi Kantor of
The New York Times. On the day Sen. Obama announced his
presidential quest in February of this year, Wright was set
to give the invocation at the Springfield, Ill. rally. At
the last moment, Obama's campaign yanked the invite to
Wright.

Wright's camp was apparently upset by the slight, and
Obama's campaign quickly issued a statement "Senator Obama
is proud of his pastor and his church."

Since that spat, there is little evidence, indeed, that
Sen. Obama has sought to distance himself from the angry
Church leader. In June, when Obama appeared before a
conference of ministers from his religious denomination,
Wright appeared in a videotaped introduction.

One of Obama's campaign themes has been his claim that
conservative evangelicals have "hijacked" Christianity,
ignoring issues like poverty, AIDS, and racism.

This past June, in an effort to build a new consensus
between his new politics and faith, Obama's campaign
launched a new Web page,
http://www.faith.barackobama.com/

On the day the page appeared on his campaign site, it
offered testimonials from Wright and two other ministers
supporting Obama. The inclusion of Wright drew a sharp
rebuke from the Catholic League. Noting that Obama had
rescinded Wright's invitation to speak at his announcement
ceremony, Catholic League President Bill Donohue declared
that Obama "knew that his spiritual adviser was so divisive
that he would cloud the ceremonies."

He noted that Wright "has a record of giving racially
inflammatory sermons and has even said that Zionism has an
element of 'white racism.' He also blamed the attacks of
9/11 on American foreign policy."

Donohue acknowledged that Obama may have different views
than Wright and the other ministers on his Web site, but
"he is responsible for giving them the opportunity to
prominently display their testimonials on his religious
outreach Web site."

Political pundits have suggested that Obama's problems with
Wright are not ones based on faith, but pure politics. The
upstart presidential candidate needs to pull most of the
black vote to have any chance of snagging the Democratic
nomination. Obama's ties to Wright and the activist African
American church helps in that effort.

But the same experts same those same ties may come to haunt
him if he were to win the nomination and face a Republican
in the general election.

The worry is not lost on Wright. "If Barack gets past the
primary, he might have to publicly distance himself from
me," Wright told The New York Times with a shrug. "

I said it to Barack personally, and he said 'yeah, that
might have to happen.'"

Obama's Farrakhan Test

By Richard Cohen
The Washington Post
Tuesday, January 15, 2008; A13

Barack Obama is a member of Chicago's Trinity United Church
of Christ. Its minister, and Obama's spiritual adviser, is
the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. In 1982, the church
launched Trumpet Newsmagazine; Wright's daughters serve as
publisher and executive editor. Every year, the magazine
makes awards in various categories. Last year, it gave the
Dr. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. Trumpeter Award to a man it said
"truly epitomized greatness." That man is Louis Farrakhan.

Maybe for Wright and some others, Farrakhan "epitomized
greatness." For most Americans, though, Farrakhan
epitomizes racism, particularly in the form of anti-
Semitism. Over the years, he has compiled an awesome record
of offensive statements, even denigrating the Holocaust by
falsely attributing it to Jewish cooperation with Hitler --
"They helped him get the Third Reich on the road." His
history is a rancid stew of lies.

It's important to state right off that nothing in Obama's
record suggests he harbors anti-Semitic views or agrees
with Wright when it comes to Farrakhan. Instead, as Obama's
top campaign aide, David Axelrod, points out, Obama often
has said that he and his minister sometimes disagree.
Farrakhan, Axelrod told me, is one of those instances.

Fine. But where I differ with Axelrod and, I assume, Obama
is that praise for an anti-Semitic demagogue is not a minor
difference or an intrachurch issue. The Obama camp takes
the view that its candidate, now that he has been told
about the award, is under no obligation to speak out on the
Farrakhan matter. It was not Obama's church that made the
award but a magazine. This is a distinction without much of
a difference. And given who the parishioner is, the
obligation to speak out is all the greater. He could be the
next American president. Where is his sense of outrage?

Any praise of Farrakhan heightens the prestige of the
leader of the Nation of Islam. For good reasons and bad, he
is already admired in portions of the black community,
sometimes for his efforts to rehabilitate criminals. His
anti-Semitism is either not considered relevant or is
shared, particularly his false insistence that Jews have
played an inordinate role in victimizing African Americans.

In this, Farrakhan stands history on its head. It was Jews
who disproportionately marched for civil rights and, in
Mississippi, died for that cause. Farrakhan and, in effect,
Wright, despoil the graves of Michael Schwerner, Andrew
Goodman and, of course, their black colleague James Chaney.

I can even see how someone, maybe even Obama, could dismiss
Farrakhan as a pest, a silly man pushing a silly cause that
poses no real threat to the Jewish community. Still,
history tells us that anti-Semitism is not to be trifled
with. It is a botulism of the mind.

The Obama and Clinton campaigns are involved in a tasteless
tussle over the legacy of Martin Luther King Jr. What is
clear from rereading King's celebrated "I Have a Dream"
speech of Aug. 28, 1963, is how inclusive that dream was --
"all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and
Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join
hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,
'Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are
free at last!' "

This, though, is not Farrakhan's dream. He has vilified
whites and singled out Jews to blame for crimes large and
small, either committed by others as well or not at all. (A
dominant role in the slave trade, for instance.) He has
talked of Jewish conspiracies to set a media line for the
whole nation. He has reviled Jews in a manner that brings
Hitler to mind.

And yet Wright heaped praise on Farrakhan. According to
Trumpet, he applauded his "depth of analysis when it comes
to the racial ills of this nation." He praised "his
integrity and honesty." He called him "an unforgettable
force, a catalyst for change and a religious leader who is
sincere about his faith and his purpose." These are the
words of a man who prayed with Obama just before the
Illinois senator announced his run for the presidency. Will
he pray with him just before his inaugural?

I don't for a moment think that Obama shares Wright's views
on Farrakhan. But the rap on Obama is that he is a fog of a
man. We know little about him, and, for all my admiration
of him, I wonder about his mettle. The New York Times
recently reported on Obama's penchant while serving in the
Illinois legislature for merely voting "present" when faced
with some tough issues. Farrakhan, in a strictly political
sense, may be a tough issue for him. This time, though,
"present" will not do.

Barack Obama and White Guilt

By Joseph Puder

Shelby Steele, an African-American research fellow at
Stanford University Hoover Institute and author of White
Guilt: How Blacks and Whites Together Destroyed the Promise
of the Civil Rights Era pointed out that, "By the mid-
sixties White Guilt was eliciting an entirely new kind of
Black leadership, not selfless men like Martin Luther King
who appealed to the nation's moral character but smaller
men, bargainers, bluffers, and haranguers -- not moralists
but specialists in moral indignation -- who would set up a
trade with White Guilt."

Barack Hussein Obama is different from previous African-
American presidential contenders -- he understands that the
key to the U.S. presidency and power is making deals with
the White-American establishment. Unlike Al Sharpton and
Jesse Jackson, characterized by Shelby Steele as "bluffers
and haranguers," and, one might add, extortionists who
trade in White guilt for personal gain, Obama is more of a
"bargainer." His appeal to White America is that he is not
overtly trading on White guilt but at the same time he and
his aides know that White America seeks moral legitimacy,
and his bargain is in promising to provide such legitimacy
in exchange for power. It is far more sophisticated a
bargain than previous Black leaders have had with White
America.

To the adoring eyes of the liberal mass media, Obama is the
closest expression of a rock star, if not a "black
messiah." While every white candidate is scrutinized and
criticized, Obama remains "beyond criticism."

Had any white candidate, with less than three years
experience in the national arena declared himself a
candidate for the presidency, especially at the tender age
of 46, he/she would have been ridiculed and reviled. The
media's collective white guilt with its derivative of
"political correctness," does not seek articulation on
policy or substance from Obama.

It does not demand answers as to how he would tackle Iran's
terrorist aggression and nuclear pursuits, or ideas on how
to grow the U.S. economy? His generalized "vision" is
sufficient for the liberal media. The white liberal media
would love a black president in order to end the perceived
stigma of white institutional racism -- a way to cleanse
the soul and regain moral legitimacy.

There is little difference between the Democrat party
rhetoric of Obama and that of the white candidates. They
all speak of hope and change so why then should Obama's
words be more believable, legitimate or acceptable? The
answer is obviously white guilt.

American institutions tainted with white guilt are ready to
dispense with justice for what they perceive as the higher
goal of attaining moral legitimacy. The charge of racism in
contemporary America is probably the most intimidating, if
not the most ruinous, to white people's careers. The case
of O.J. Simpson illustrated to perfection how America has
gone from one extreme to the other. Shelby Steele writes,
"In 1955 the murderers of Emmet Till, a black Mississippi
youth, were acquitted of their crime, undoubtedly because
they were white. Forty years later, O.J. Simpson, who many
thought would be charged with the murder of his white wife
and Ron Goldman, by virtue of the DNA evidence against him,
was also acquitted after his black attorney (Johnny
Cochran) portrayed him as a victim of racism."

Steele observed that, "Because white guilt is a vacuum of
moral authority, it makes the moral authority of whites and
the legitimacy of American institutions contingent on
proving a negative: that they are not racist?

Whites and American institutions are stigmatized as racist
until proven otherwise." Political parties and universities
"not only declare their devotion to diversity but also use
racial preferences to increase the visibility of minorities
so as to refute the racist stigma," Steele added.

This is especially apparent within the Democrat party where
support for racial preferences is widespread and pandering
to African-Americans votes is routine.

The blind support and almost universal cheering of college
students for Obama is a by-product of years of
indoctrination on college campuses (especially Ivy League
universities) under the stern eyes of faculty and
administrative "political correctors," who suppress any
vestige of white pride as racist, and who bar the teaching
of Western Civilization with a sense of pride, conversely
engaging in the bashing of the western (white) Europeans as
imperialists, oppressors and racists. It seems as if
American college students have been groomed to cheer a
black presidential candidate thereby providing them with a
small measure of ablution from their "racist sins."
Unfortunately, they were not trained to apply universal
moral standards and sound judgment when analyzing issues
and individuals.

Rather, their worldview is seen through the limited prism
of white guilt. The outcome of which is that white America,
Europe and Israel are tainted with sin, and blacks, Muslims
and those of the third-world are victims, and therefore
virtuous.

America, it appears to Shelby Steele, is governed by this
"white guilt" and, it is destructive to blacks and whites
alike. "Whites and American institutions" he argues, "live
by a simple formula: lessening responsibility for
minorities equals moral authority; increasing it equals
racism.

This is a formula that locks whites into publicly
supporting affirmative action even as they privately
dislike it." It also stigmatizes black excellence.

Can you imagine proclamations posted on the church websites
of the white presidential candidates (Protestant or
Catholic), proclaiming that they are "unashamedly white?"
Seems Obama's pastor; Rev. Jeremiah Wright of the Chicago
Trinity United Church (of which Obama has been a member of
since 1988) is quoted as stating that he is "Unashamedly
Black and Unapologetically Christian." Rev. Wright, whom
Obama credits with being the inspiration for his book, "The
Audacity of Hope," subscribes to what he calls the "Black
Value System." Does Obama also subscribe to this value
system? And if not, why hasn't Obama dissociated himself
from his black radical pastor who refers to America as "our
racist competitive society," and disavows the pursuit of
"middle-classness." Rev. Wright endorses allegiance to "all
black leadership who espouse and embrace the Black Value
System."

Obama's revered pastor considers "Middle Classness" (which
Obama claims to extol) a way for American (white) society
to "snare" blacks rather than "killing them off directly or
placing them in concentration camps." In sermons and
interviews, Wright has claimed that Zionism equals racism
and, has equated Israel with Apartheid South Africa.
Following 9/11 Wright charged that the attack on America
was a consequence of violent American policies, and later
suggested that the murder of 3000 Americans was
"retribution for America's racism." At the kick-off of
Obama's presidential campaign on February 10, 2007, Wright
was asked to stay away. He responded:

"When Obama's enemies find out that in 1984 I went to
Tripoli to visit Col. Muammer el-Qaddafi with the Nation of
Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, a lot of his Jewish support
will dry up quicker than a snowball in Hell."

Obama's pastor Rev. Wright is a race-monger, but you will
not discover that from the mainstream liberal media. What
you will find in the liberal media is a politically
incorrect, unrestrained, attack on Mitt Romney's Mormon
religion, but little about the racism and anti-Semitism of
Rev. Wright or about Obama's Muslim background. Obama's
brilliant academic background will be extolled, while, for
example, Romney's extensive experience in government and
business will be underplayed.

In the final analysis one must ask the simple question: In
a color-blind society, devoid of white guilt, does an
inexperienced, untried, albeit bright contender like Obama,
deserve to be president in contrast to Hillary Clinton,
John McCain, Mitt Romney, and Rudi Giuliani ? candidates
who are equally as brighht and have far greater experience.

Barack Obama's Middle East Expert

By Ed Lasky
American Thinker
January 23, 2008

Barack Obama's real thinking about Israel and the Middle
East continues to be an enigma. The words he chose in an
address to AIPAC create a different impression than the
composition of his foreign policy advisory team.

Several advisors have evidenced a history of suspicion and
worse toward Israel. One of his advisors in particular,
Robert Malley, clearly warrants attention, as does the
reasoning that led him to being chosen by Barack Obama.

A little family history may be in order to understand the
genesis of Robert Malley's views. Normally, one should be
reluctant in exploring a person's family background --
after all, who would want to be held responsible for the
sins of one's father? However, when close relatives share a
strong current of ideological affinity, and when a father
has a commanding persona, it behooves a researcher to
inquire a bit into the role of family in forming views.
That said, Robert Malley has a very interesting father.

His father Simon Malley was born to a Syrian family in
Cairo and at an early age found his m?tier in political
journalism. He participated in the wave of anti-imperialist
and nationalist ideology that was sweeping the Third World.
He wrote thousands of words in support of struggle against
Western nations.

In Paris, he founded the journal Afrique Asie; he and his
magazine became advocates for "liberation" struggles
throughout the world, particularly for the Palestinians.

Simon Malley loathed Israel and anti-Israel activism became
a crusade for him-as an internet search would easily show.
He spent countless hours with Yasser Arafat and became a
close friend of Arafat. He was, according to Daniel Pipes,
a sympathizer of the Palestinian Liberation Organization --
-and this was when it was at the height of its terrorism
wave against the West . His efforts were so damaging to
France that President Valerie d'Estaing expelled him from
the country.

Malley has seemingly followed in his father's footsteps: he
represents the next generation of anti-Israel activism.
Through his writings he has served as a willing
propagandist, bending the truth (and more) to serve an
agenda that is marked by anti-Israel bias; he heads a group
of Middle East policy advisers for a think-tank funded (in
part) by anti-Israel billionaire activist George Soros; and
now is on the foreign policy staff of a leading
Presidential contender. Each step up the ladder seems to be
a step closer towards his goal of empowering radicals and
weakening the ties between American and our ally Israel.

Robert Malley's writings strike me as being akin to
propaganda. One notable example is an op-ed that was
published in the New York Times (Fictions About the Failure
at Camp David). The column indicted Israel for not being
generous enough at Camp David and blamed the failure of the
talks on the Israelis.

Malley has repeated this line of attack in numerous op-eds
over the years, often co-writing with Hussein Agha, a
former adviser to Yasser Arafat (see, for example, Camp
David: The Tragedy of Errors ). He was also believed to be
the chief source for an article by Deborah Sontag that
whitewashed Arafat's role in the collapse of the peace
process, an article that has been widely criticized as
riddled with errors and bias.

Malley is a revisionist and his views are sharply at odds
with the views of others who participated at Camp David,
including Ambassador Dennis Ross and President Bill
Clinton. Malley's myth-making has been peddled in the
notably anti-Israel magazine, Counterpunch and by Norman
Finkelstein, the failed academic recently denied tenure at
DePaul University . Malley's Camp David propaganda has also
become fodder for Palestinians, Arab rejectionists, and
anti-Israel activists across the world.

His story of the talks is also plain wrong.

Dennis Ross had this to say regarding the failure of Camp
David when he laid the blame on Yasser Arafat and
Palestinian leadership:

....Fundamentally I do not believe he can end the conflict.
We had one critical clause in this agreement, and that
clause was, this is the end of the conflict. Arafat's whole
life has been governed by struggle and a cause... for him
to end the conflict is to end himself.

...Barak was able to reposition Israel internationally.
Israel was seen as having demonstrated unmistakably it
wanted peace, and the reason it wasn't... achievable was
because Arafat wouldn't accept it.

http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,50830,00.html

President Clinton echoed these remarks, elsewhere:

So a couple of days before I leave office, Arafat says,
calls to tell me what a great man I am. And I just said,
"No, I'm not. On this I'm a failure, and you made me a
failure."

At the conclusion of Camp David, Clinton made these points,
stressing that Israeli leader Ehud Barak had gone the extra
mile to reach peace with the Palestinians:

-Prime Minister Barak showed particular courage, vision,
and an understanding of the historical importance of this
moment. Chairman Arafat made it clear that he too remains
committed to the path of peace.

- Prime Minister Barak took some very bold decisions...

- I will say again, we made progress on all the core
issues; we made really significant progress on many of
them. The Palestinian teams worked hard on a lot of these
areas. But I think it is fair to say that at this moment in
time, maybe because they had been preparing for it longer,
maybe because they had thought through it more, that the
prime minister moved forward more from his initial position
than Chairman Arafat on -- particularly surrounding the
questions of Jerusalem...

- ... not so much as a criticism of Chairman Arafat,
because this is really hard and had never been done before,
but in praise of Barak. He came in knowing that he was
going to have to take bold steps and he did it, and I think
you should look at it more as a positive toward him than as
a condemnation of the Palestinian side...

- I would be making a mistake not to praise Barak, because
I think he took a big risk, and I think it's sparked
already in Israel a real debate, which is moving Israeli
public opinion toward the conditions that will make peace.

And so I thought that was important, and I think it
deserves to be acknowledged. (Clinton press conference,
July 25, 2000)

Was Malley so central to the peace process that he knew
something that escaped the attention of our Middle East
Envoy and our President?

When one reads Dennis Ross's account of his years of trying
to bring peace to the region, The Missing Peace: The Inside
Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace, one can question
just how central Malley was to the Camp David
negotiations.

Malley has written a range of pieces over the years that
reveal an agenda at work that should give pause to those
Obama supporters who truly care about peace in the Middle
Peace and the fate of our ally Israel.

Playing Into Sharon's Hands: which absolves Arafat of the
responsibility to restrain terrorists and blames Israel for
terrorism. He defends Arafat and hails him as ... the first
Palestinian leader to recognize Israel, relinquish the
objective of regaining all of historic Palestine and
negotiate for a two-state solution based on the pre-1967
boundaries. And he remains for now the only Palestinian
with the legitimacy to sell future concessions to his
people.

Rebuilding a Damaged Palestine: which blames Israel's
security operations for weakening Palestinian security
forces (absurd on its face: terrorists filled the ranks of
so-called Palestinian security forces-which, in any case,
never tried to prevent terrorism) and calls for
international forces to restrain the Israelis

Making the Best of Hamas's Victory: which called for
international aid to be showered upon a Hamas-led
government and for international engagement with Hamas (a
group that makes clear in its Charter, its schools, and its
violence its intent to destroy Israel). Malley also makes
an absurd assertion: that Hamas' policies and Israeli
policies are mirror images of each other.

Avoiding Failure with Hamas: which again calls for aid to
flow to a Hamas-led government and even goes so far as to
suggest that failure to extend aid could cause an
environmental or health catastrophe-such as a human strain
of the avian flu virus!

How to Curb the Tension in Gaza: which criticizes Israel's
for its actions to recover Gilad Shalit who was kidnapped
and is being held hostage in the Gaza Strip. He and co-
writer Gareth Evans call Israel's actions 'collective
punishment" in "violation of international law".

Forget Pelosi: What About Syria?: where Malley calls for
outreach to Syria, despite its ties to Hezbollah, Hamas,
and the terrorists committing murder in Iraq; believes it
is unreasonable to call for Syria to cut ties with
Hezbollah, break with Hamas, or alienate Iran before
negotiations; he believes a return of the Golan Heights and
engagement with the West will somehow miraculously lead the
Syrian regime to take these steps --after they get all they
want.

Containing a Shiite Symbol of Hope: that advocated
engagement with the fiercely anti-American Iraqi Moqtada
al-Sadr, who has been responsible for the murder of many
Americans and Iraqis as the leader of the terrorist group,
the Mahdi Army. He also has very close ties to Iran.

Middle East Triangle: (co-written with former Arafat
advisor Hussein Agha) calls for Hamas and Fatah to
reconcile, join forces, and to frustrate, in their words,
Israel's attempts to "perpetuate Palestinian geographic and
political division". Then Hamas will grant Abbas power to
make a political deal with Israel that will bring peace.
Noah Pollack of Commentary Magazine noting, as Malley
habitually fails to do, Hamas intends to destroy Israel,
eviscerated this op-ed.

The U.S. Must Look to its Own Mideast Interests: (co-
written with Aaron David Miller) which advocates a
radically different approach towards the Middle East which,
in their words, does not "follow Israel's lead" and
encompasses engagement with Syria (despite problems with
Lebanon and their support for Hezbollah) and Hamas
(regardless of its failure to recognize Israel or renounce
violence).

A New Middle East: which asserted Hezbollah's attacks on
Israel and the kidnapping of Israelis, which sparked the
Israel-Hezbollah war in 2006, were motivated by Hezbollah's
desire to retrieve Lebanese prisoners in Israeli jails and
were a response to pressure being exerted on its allies-
Syria and Iran.

Robert Malley also testified before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee in February, 2004. In that appearance
he called for the Road Map to be cast aside because
incremental measures intended to build trust were
unworkable.

He advocated that a comprehensive settlement plan be
imposed on the parties with the backing of the
international community, including Arab and Moslem states.
He anticipated that Israel would object with "cries of
unfair treatment" but counseled the plan be put in place
regardless of such objections; he also suggested that
waiting for a "reliable Palestinian partner' was
unnecessary.

This is merely a sample of Malley's views -- which are
focused on disengaging from our ally Israel (whose lead
America should not "follow") and engaging with and, in some
cases financially supporting, the likes of Syria, Moqtada
al-Sadr, Hezbollah and Hamas. His ideology is radically at
odds with American foreign policy as it has been practiced
by two generations of Presidents -- both Democrats and
Republicans -- over the years. This is the type of advocacy
Robert Malley has been pursuing in the years since the end
of the Clinton Administration and from his perch at the
International Crisis Group -- an organization that may
share his agenda.

The International Crisis Group

Robert Malley is the Director of the Middle East/North
Africa Program at the International Crisis Group (ICG).
Given the impressive title of the group, one might expect
it to have along and impressive pedigree -- say long the
lines of the well-regarded Council of Foreign Relations. In
fact, the group is rather small and it has a short
pedigree. More importantly, it has ties to George Soros.
Soros is a man who has supported a wide variety of groups
that have shown a propensity to criticize America and
Israel; a man who has made clear his goal is to break the
close bonds between America and Israel; supported the views
of Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer whose work on the
issue of the "Israel Lobby" has been widely criticized for
factual inaccuracies, shoddy research, and has been called
"anti-Semitic" in the Washington Post; a man who has taken
steps to counter the supposed political influence of the
pro-Israel community in America; a man who has also been a
key financial backer of Senator Obama's; and a man who can
activate a wide variety of 527 (c) and other activist
groups for any politician he supports.

Soros is a funder of the ICG through his Open Society
Institute; he serves on its Board and on its Executive
Committee. Other members of the Board include Zbigniew
Brzezinski (whose anti-Israel credentials are impeccable)
and Wesley Clark (who called US support for Israel during
the Hezbollah War a " serious mistake"; who has flirted
with anti-Semitic conspiracy theories; and who has been the
direct beneficiary of donations made by Soros; Wesley Clark
has defended the actions of George Soros.

But let's return to George Soros.

While it is true that the ICG receives funding from other
sources, none of these donors are on the board; and a
billionaire on the Executive Committee of the Board can
wield a great deal of influence. Soros is a man who is
legendary for his investment prowess. In this case, he
again seems to have invested well -- as he is proud to
trumpet. When the ICG gave him a Founders Award, he spoke
of how pleased he was with the work the group does ("my
money is very well spent"), and he took particular pride in
the work done "on the Palestinian question".

As he should be, given his goals. Malley, as the Director
of the Middle East/ North African program at the ICG, has
assembled a group of "analysts" who reflect his (and
Soros's) views and who share their goals: a radical
reshaping of decades of American foreign policy and a
shredding of the role of morality in the formulation of
American policy. These policies would strengthen our
enemies, empower dictatorships, and harm our allies.

This small cast of characters at the ICG:

Issandr el Amrani has accused the Bush Administration of
fanning the flames of sectarian strife by rallying support
against Iran. He absurdly claims that the goal of this
alliance is to create, "a new regional security arrangement
with the Jewish state firmly as its center -- the holy
grail of the neo-conservatives who, despite reports to the
contrary, continue to craft U.S. Middle East policy.
(Otherwise, why would Elliott Abrams still have his job?"

Peter Harling: who has co-written numerous op-eds with
Malley that advocate outreach toward Iraqi extremist leader
Moqtada al-Sadr; talks with Iran and Syria; and numerous
op-eds critical of American actions in Iraq.

Nicholas Pelham who advocates outreach toward Hamas.

Other analysts and their opinions can be found here.

They are uniformly passive on dealing with terrorism and
terrorists; critical of US efforts in Iraq and American-led
efforts to constrain Iran; advocate aid be given to Hamas
despite its record of terrorism; endorse engagement with
Syria despite its links with Hezbollah, its role in
oppressing Lebanon and its involvement in the
assassinations that have helped to destroy Lebanon. They
also seemingly have no qualms about advocating outreach to
Iran, regardless of its role in the killing of American and
Iraqis in Iraq and its proclaimed goal of destroying
Israel.

No wonder Soros is happy with his investment in the
International Crisis Group and in Robert Malley.

Question remain

Why would Barack Obama have on his foreign policy staff a
man who has been widely criticized for a revisionist
history of the Middle East peace process sharply at odds
with all other accounts of the proceedings?

Why would Barack Obama give credibility to a man who seems
to have an agenda that includes empowering our enemies and
weakening our friends and allies?

How did Robert Malley, with a record of writing that
reveals a willingness to twist facts to serve a political
agenda, come to be appointed by Obama to his foreign staff?

Was it a recommendation of Zbigniew Brzezinski to bring on
board another anti-Israel foreign policy expert?

What role did the left-wing anti-Israel activist George
Soros play in placing Robert Malley (or for that matter,
Brzezinski himself) in a position to influence the future
foreign policy of America?

What does it say about Senator Obama's judgment that he
appointed a man like Malley to be a top foreign policy
advisor?

Or does it speak more to his true beliefs?

A digression, if I may, regarding Malley and impressive
sounding titles. A Washington Post article on Senator
Obama's foreign policy advisors described him as having
been President Clinton's Middle East envoy. Now this would
come as a surprise to Ambassador Dennis Ross who actually
was Clinton's Middle East envoy. Indeed, there is a paucity
of mentions of Malley in Ross's exhaustive history of the
Middle East peace process during the Clinton years, The
Missing Peace, where more often than not he is described as
a note-taker-once serving as Yasser Arafat's stenographer.

Ed Lasky is news editor of American Thinker.

http://www.americanthinker.com/2008/01/barack_obamas_middle_east_expe.html

Obama and Israel, continued
Noah Pollak -- 01.26.2008 -- 09:47

There has been an awakening in recent days to the presence
of a disturbing number of foreign policy advisers to the
Obama campaign who harbor hostile views of Israel. Ed Lasky
of the American Thinker has been doing serious work on the
subject, and his two pieces -- here and here -- are must-
reads.

Caroline Glick adds to the discussion here.

But there is another Obama foreign policy adviser-a
prominent one-who has so far escaped criticism. This is
Samantha Power, a Harvard professor, journalist, and human
rights specialist who of late has become a high-profile
liberal critic of American foreign policy.

For one, Power is an advocate of the Walt-Mearsheimer view
of the American relationship with Israel. In a recent
interview published on the Harvard Kennedy School's
website, Power was asked to explain "long-standing
structural and conceptual problems in U.S. foreign policy."
She gave a two-part answer: the first problem, she said, is
"the US historic predisposition to go it alone." A standard
reply, of course. The second problem, though, should give
us pause:

Another longstanding foreign policy flaw is the degree to
which special interests dictate the way in which the
"national interest" as a whole is defined and pursued . . .
America's important historic relationship with Israel has
often led foreign policy decision-makers to defer
reflexively to Israeli security assessments, and to
replicate Israeli tactics, which, as the war in Lebanon
last summer demonstrated, can turn out to be counter-
productive.

So greater regard for international institutions along with
less automatic deference to special interests-especially
when it comes to matters of life and death and war and
peace-seem to be two take-aways from the war in Iraq.

Power is not just assenting to the Israel Lobby view of
American foreign policy, but is also arguing that Israel
had something to do with the Bush administration's decision
to invade Iraq in 2003-an appalling slander, and a telling
one.

Also of note is a recent opinion piece Power wrote for TIME
magazine, titled "Rethinking Iran," the thrust of which
rethinking involves the need to engage diplomatically the
mullahs and pretend that the Iranian nuclear program is a
figment of the paranoid imagination of the Bush
administration.

She writes:

The war scare that wasn't [the recent incident between
Iranian speedboats and the U.S. Navy in the Straight of
Hormuz] stands as a metaphor for the incoherence of our
policy toward Iran: the Bush Administration attempts to gin
up international outrage by making a claim of imminent
danger, only to be met with international eye rolling when
the claim is disproved.

Sound familiar? The speedboat episode bore an uncanny
resemblance to the Administration's allegations about the
advanced state of Iran's weapons program-allegations
refuted in December by the National Intelligence Estimate.

Does Power actually believe that the NIE put to rest
concerns about the Iranian nuclear program? If she actually
thinks that -- and it appears she does -- she deserves
voluminous ridicule from thinking people everywhere.

Does anyone think that if the time comes that Power has
President Obama's ear, she will advise him to do anything
other than repudiate America's greatest ally in the Middle
East in favor of appeasing its greatest enemy?

And here's an even better question: Does Barack Obama have
a single adviser who would tell him to do anything else?

http://www.commentarymagazine.com/blogs/index.php/pollak/2085

Obama and Israel-It Gets Worse

Noah Pollak -- 01.27.2008 -- 14:56

A follow-up to my post yesterday about the troubling views
of one of Barack Obama's top foreign policy advisers,
Samantha Power. In 2002 she sat for an interview with Harry
Kreisler, the director of the Institute for International
Studies at Berkeley. Kreisler asked her the following
question:

Let me give you a thought experiment here, and it is the
following: without addressing the Palestine -- Israel
problem, let's say you were an advisor to the President of
the United States, how would you respond to current events
there? Would you advise him to put a structure in place to
monitor that situation, at least if one party or another
[starts] looking like they might be moving toward genocide?

Get a load of Power's response:

What we don't need is some kind of early warning mechanism
there, what we need is a willingness to put something on
the line in helping the situation.

Putting something on the line might mean alienating a
domestic constituency of tremendous political and financial
import; it may more crucially mean sacrificing -- or
investing, I think, more than sacrificing -- billions of
dollars, not in servicing Israel's military, but actually
investing in the new state of Palestine, in investing the
billions of dollars it would probably take, also, to
support what will have to be a mammoth protection force,
not of the old Rwanda kind, but a meaningful military
presence.

Because it seems to me at this stage (and this is true of
actual genocides as well, and not just major human rights
abuses, which were seen there), you have to go in as if
you're serious, you have to put something on the line.

Unfortunately, imposition of a solution on unwilling
parties is dreadful.

It's a terrible thing to do, it's fundamentally
undemocratic. But, sadly, we don't just have a democracy
here either, we have a liberal democracy. There are certain
sets of principles that guide our policy, or that are meant
to, anyway. It's essential that some set of principles
becomes the benchmark, rather than a deference to [leaders]
who are fundamentally politically destined to destroy the
lives of their own people. And by that I mean what Tom
Freidman has called "Sharafat." [Sharon-Arafat; this is
actually an Amos Oz construction -- NP] I do think in that
sense, both political leaders have been dreadfully
irresponsible. And, unfortunately, it does require external
intervention.

Just so we're clear here: Power said that her advice to the
President would be to 1) "Alienate" the American Jewish
community, and indeed all Americans, such as evangelical
Christians, who support the state of Israel, because 2)
Israeli leaders are "destroying the lives of their own
people." 3) Pour billions of dollars of the taxpayers'
money into "the new state of Palestine"; 4) Stage an
American ground invasion of Israel and the Palestinian
territories -- what else can she mean by a "mammoth
protection force" and a "military presence" that will be
"imposed" by "external intervention"? -- in order to do the
exact same thing that she considers the height of arrogance
and foolishness in Iraq: an American campaign to remake an
Arab society.

Note that this wasn't her response to a question about her
personal views of the conflict, or about what she envisions
might be a utopian solution to the conflict; it was a
response to a question about what she would tell the
President of the United States if she was his adviser.
Yesterday Barack Obama took a large stride toward the
presidency-helped in some small measure by the speeches on
behalf of the Obama campaign that Power has delivered-and
it is time that someone asked him, while he is still a
candidate, what he thinks of the perverse things his many
foreign policy advisers have said about Israel and the
Middle East.

As Samantha Power herself acknowledged, there is "a
domestic constituency of tremendous political and financial
import" that would like to know where Obama stands on these
matters.
http://www.commentarymagazine.com/blogs/index.php/pollak/2093

End of forwarded message

Jai Maharaj
http://tinyurl.com/24fq83
http://www.mantra.com/jai
http://www.mantra.com/jyotish
Om Shanti

Hindu Holocaust Museum
http://www.mantra.com/holocaust

Hindu life, principles, spirituality and philosophy
http://www.hindu.org
http://www.hindunet.org

The truth about Islam and Muslims
http://www.flex.com/~jai/satyamevajayate

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Muslims? What have you to fear from Muslims? You should fear Christians!
If you were born with more than a couple of watts of brain power, you might
happen to have noticed the extreme damage the CHRISTIANS have done to you,
the country and the world. Or are you enjoying the expensive gas, high
unemployment (falsified as low), inflation, recession, housing crisis,
credit crunch, illegal war, massive deficits, the impending bankruptcy of
the US, broken military, trashed enviromnent, dying middle class, war
profiteering, etc, etc, etc. (An example of a great CHRISTIAN: George W.
Bush.)


"The Real Diddy Pop" <whodey1@gmail.com> wrote in message
news:2eb3163a-cd83-4654-99e5-06bd5aa6e15b@v26g2000prm.googlegroups.com...
On Apr 8, 6:53 pm, mud...@sympatico.ca wrote:
> On Apr 8, 3:49 pm, use...@mantra.com and/orwww.mantra.com/jai(Dr.
>
> Jai Maharaj) wrote:
> > Facts about terrorist Islam and Muslims:
> > http://www.flex.com/~jai/satyamevajayate

>
> > Barack Obama a Muslim? Yes

>
> > Was Barack Obama a Muslim?

>
> Did you see his penis?
>
> Ganja Swamiji!
> Be careful about your Jewish/Christian propaganda and hate!


Anybody who is a member of a church that presents a lifetime
acheivement award to Lou Farrakkkkkhan is a threat to this country.
This is the last kind of person we need in the white house.
 
"hlc" <hlcolbertspamsuxbiggtyme@verizon.net> wrote in message
news:dIALj.5349$mL2.3563@trndny03...
> Muslims? What have you to fear from Muslims? You should fear Christians!


How many heads have Christians hacked off in the last ten years?
 
The Real Diddy Pop <whodey1@gmail.com> used a stick in the sand to
babble
>Anybody who is a member of a church that presents a lifetime
>acheivement award to Lou Farrakkkkkhan


Anybody who considers MLK not worth a National Holiday is a threat to
this country. This is the last kind of person we need in the white
house.

Swill
--
Daily thought: Some people are like a Slinky, not really
good for anything, but they bring a smile to your lips
when pushed down the stairs.
Picture of the day: http://antwrp.gsfc.nasa.gov/apod/astropix.html
 
On Apr 8, 12:49 pm, use...@mantra.com and/or www.mantra.com/jai (Dr.

Jai Maharaj) wrote:
Complete and utter nonsense.

Barack Obama is a Christian. You are lying and, what's disgusting, is
that you know you're lying.

http://www.barackobama.com/2006/06/28/call_to_renewal_keynote_address...


Call to Renewal Keynote Address
June 28, 2006
Washington, DC


Good morning. I appreciate the opportunity to speak here at the Call
to Renewal's Building a Covenant for a New America conference. I've
had the opportunity to take a look at your Covenant for a New
America.
It is filled with outstanding policies and prescriptions for much of
what ails this country. So I'd like to congratulate you all on the
thoughtful presentations you've given so far about poverty and
justice
in America, and for putting fire under the feet of the political
leadership here in Washington.


But today I'd like to talk about the connection between religion and
politics and perhaps offer some thoughts about how we can sort
through
some of the often bitter arguments that we've been seeing over the
last several years.


I do so because, as you all know, we can affirm the importance of
poverty in the Bible; and we can raise up and pass out this Covenant
for a New America. We can talk to the press, and we can discuss the
religious call to address poverty and environmental stewardship all
we
want, but it won't have an impact unless we tackle head-on the mutual
suspicion that sometimes exists between religious America and secular
America.


I want to give you an example that I think illustrates this fact. As
some of you know, during the 2004 U.S. Senate General Election I ran
against a gentleman named Alan Keyes. Mr. Keyes is well-versed in the
Jerry Falwell-Pat Robertson style of rhetoric that often labels
progressives as both immoral and godless.


Indeed, Mr. Keyes announced towards the end of the campaign that,
"Jesus Christ would not vote for Barack Obama. Christ would not vote
for Barack Obama because Barack Obama has behaved in a way that it is
inconceivable for Christ to have behaved."


Jesus Christ would not vote for Barack Obama.


Now, I was urged by some of my liberal supporters not to take this
statement seriously, to essentially ignore it. To them, Mr. Keyes was
an extremist, and his arguments not worth entertaining. And since at
the time, I was up 40 points in the polls, it probably wasn't a bad
piece of strategic advice.


But what they didn't understand, however, was that I had to take Mr.
Keyes seriously, for he claimed to speak for my religion, and my God.
He claimed knowledge of certain truths.


Mr. Obama says he's a Christian, he was saying, and yet he supports a
lifestyle that the Bible calls an abomination.


Mr. Obama says he's a Christian, but supports the destruction of
innocent and sacred life.


And so what would my supporters have me say? How should I respond?
Should I say that a literalist reading of the Bible was folly? Should
I say that Mr. Keyes, who is a Roman Catholic, should ignore the
teachings of the Pope?


Unwilling to go there, I answered with what has come to be the
typically liberal response in such debates - namely, I said that we
live in a pluralistic society, that I can't impose my own religious
views on another, that I was running to be the U.S. Senator of
Illinois and not the Minister of Illinois.


But Mr. Keyes's implicit accusation that I was not a true Christian
nagged at me, and I was also aware that my answer did not adequately
address the role my faith has in guiding my own values and my own
beliefs.


Now, my dilemma was by no means unique. In a way, it reflected the
broader debate we've been having in this country for the last thirty
years over the role of religion in politics.


For some time now, there has been plenty of talk among pundits and
pollsters that the political divide in this country has fallen
sharply
along religious lines. Indeed, the single biggest "gap" in party
affiliation among white Americans today is not between men and women,
or those who reside in so-called Red States and those who reside in
Blue, but between those who attend church regularly and those who
don't.


Conservative leaders have been all too happy to exploit this gap,
consistently reminding evangelical Christians that Democrats
disrespect their values and dislike their Church, while suggesting to
the rest of the country that religious Americans care only about
issues like abortion and gay marriage; school prayer and intelligent
design.


Democrats, for the most part, have taken the bait. At best, we may
try
to avoid the conversation about religious values altogether, fearful
of offending anyone and claiming that - regardless of our personal
beliefs - constitutional principles tie our hands. At worst, there
are
some liberals who dismiss religion in the public square as inherently
irrational or intolerant, insisting on a caricature of religious
Americans that paints them as fanatical, or thinking that the very
word "Christian" describes one's political opponents, not people of
faith.


Now, such strategies of avoidance may work for progressives when our
opponent is Alan Keyes. But over the long haul, I think we make a
mistake when we fail to acknowledge the power of faith in people's
lives -- in the lives of the American people -- and I think it's time
that we join a serious debate about how to reconcile faith with our
modern, pluralistic democracy.


And if we're going to do that then we first need to understand that
Americans are a religious people. 90 percent of us believe in God, 70
percent affiliate themselves with an organized religion, 38 percent
call themselves committed Christians, and substantially more people
in
America believe in angels than they do in evolution.


This religious tendency is not simply the result of successful
marketing by skilled preachers or the draw of popular mega-churches.
In fact, it speaks to a hunger that's deeper than that - a hunger
that
goes beyond any particular issue or cause.


Each day, it seems, thousands of Americans are going about their
daily
rounds - dropping off the kids at school, driving to the office,
flying to a business meeting, shopping at the mall, trying to stay on
their diets - and they're coming to the realization that something is
missing. They are deciding that their work, their possessions, their
diversions, their sheer busyness, is not enough.


They want a sense of purpose, a narrative arc to their lives. They're
looking to relieve a chronic loneliness, a feeling supported by a
recent study that shows Americans have fewer close friends and
confidants than ever before. And so they need an assurance that
somebody out there cares about them, is listening to them - that they
are not just destined to travel down that long highway towards
nothingness.


And I speak with some experience on this matter. I was not raised in
a
particularly religious household, as undoubtedly many in the audience
were. My father, who returned to Kenya when I was just two, was born
Muslim but as an adult became an atheist. My mother, whose parents
were non-practicing Baptists and Methodists, was probably one of the
most spiritual and kindest people I've ever known, but grew up with a
healthy skepticism of organized religion herself. As a consequence,
so
did I.


It wasn't until after college, when I went to Chicago to work as a
community organizer for a group of Christian churches, that I
confronted my own spiritual dilemma.


I was working with churches, and the Christians who I worked with
recognized themselves in me. They saw that I knew their Book and that
I shared their values and sang their songs. But they sensed that a
part of me that remained removed, detached, that I was an observer in
their midst.


And in time, I came to realize that something was missing as well --
that without a vessel for my beliefs, without a commitment to a
particular community of faith, at some level I would always remain
apart, and alone.


And if it weren't for the particular attributes of the historically
black church, I may have accepted this fate. But as the months passed
in Chicago, I found myself drawn - not just to work with the church,
but to be in the church.


For one thing, I believed and still believe in the power of the
African-American religious tradition to spur social change, a power
made real by some of the leaders here today. Because of its past, the
black church understands in an intimate way the Biblical call to feed
the hungry and cloth the naked and challenge powers and
principalities. And in its historical struggles for freedom and the
rights of man, I was able to see faith as more than just a comfort to
the weary or a hedge against death, but rather as an active, palpable
agent in the world. As a source of hope.


And perhaps it was out of this intimate knowledge of hardship -- the
grounding of faith in struggle -- that the church offered me a second
insight, one that I think is important to emphasize today.


Faith doesn't mean that you don't have doubts.


You need to come to church in the first place precisely because you
are first of this world, not apart from it. You need to embrace
Christ
precisely because you have sins to wash away - because you are human
and need an ally in this difficult journey.


It was because of these newfound understandings that I was finally
able to walk down the aisle of Trinity United Church of Christ on
95th
Street in the Southside of Chicago one day and affirm my Christian
faith. It came about as a choice, and not an epiphany. I didn't fall
out in church. The questions I had didn't magically disappear. But
kneeling beneath that cross on the South Side, I felt that I heard
God's spirit beckoning me. I submitted myself to His will, and
dedicated myself to discovering His truth.


That's a path that has been shared by millions upon millions of
Americans - evangelicals, Catholics, Protestants, Jews and Muslims
alike; some since birth, others at certain turning points in their
lives. It is not something they set apart from the rest of their
beliefs and values. In fact, it is often what drives their beliefs
and
their values.


And that is why that, if we truly hope to speak to people where
they're at - to communicate our hopes and values in a way that's
relevant to their own - then as progressives, we cannot abandon the
field of religious discourse.


Because when we ignore the debate about what it means to be a good
Christian or Muslim or Jew; when we discuss religion only in the
negative sense of where or how it should not be practiced, rather
than
in the positive sense of what it tells us about our obligations
towards one another; when we shy away from religious venues and
religious broadcasts because we assume that we will be unwelcome -
others will fill the vacuum, those with the most insular views of
faith, or those who cynically use religion to justify partisan ends.


In other words, if we don't reach out to evangelical Christians and
other religious Americans and tell them what we stand for, then the
Jerry Falwells and Pat Robertsons and Alan Keyeses will continue to
hold sway.


More fundamentally, the discomfort of some progressives with any hint
of religion has often prevented us from effectively addressing issues
in moral terms. Some of the problem here is rhetorical - if we scrub
language of all religious content, we forfeit the imagery and
terminology through which millions of Americans understand both their
personal morality and social justice.


Imagine Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address without reference to "the
judgments of the Lord." Or King's I Have a Dream speech without
references to "all of God's children." Their summoning of a higher
truth helped inspire what had seemed impossible, and move the nation
to embrace a common destiny.


Our failure as progressives to tap into the moral underpinnings of
the
nation is not just rhetorical, though. Our fear of getting "preachy"
may also lead us to discount the role that values and culture play in
some of our most urgent social problems.


After all, the problems of poverty and racism, the uninsured and the
unemployed, are not simply technical problems in search of the
perfect
ten point plan. They are rooted in both societal indifference and
individual callousness - in the imperfections of man.


Solving these problems will require changes in government policy, but
it will also require changes in hearts and a change in minds. I
believe in keeping guns out of our inner cities, and that our leaders
must say so in the face of the gun manufacturers' lobby - but I also
believe that when a gang-banger shoots indiscriminately into a crowd
because he feels somebody disrespected him, we've got a moral
problem.
There's a hole in that young man's heart - a hole that the government
alone cannot fix.


I believe in vigorous enforcement of our non-discrimination laws. But
I also believe that a transformation of conscience and a genuine
commitment to diversity on the part of the nation's CEOs could bring
about quicker results than a battalion of lawyers. They have more
lawyers than us anyway.


I think that we should put more of our tax dollars into educating
poor
girls and boys. I think that the work that Marian Wright Edelman has
done all her life is absolutely how we should prioritize our
resources
in the wealthiest nation on earth. I also think that we should give
them the information about contraception that can prevent unwanted
pregnancies, lower abortion rates, and help assure that that every
child is loved and cherished.


But, you know, my Bible tells me that if we train a child in the way
he should go, when he is old he will not turn from it. So I think
faith and guidance can help fortify a young woman's sense of self, a
young man's sense of responsibility, and a sense of reverence that
all
young people should have for the act of sexual intimacy.


I am not suggesting that every progressive suddenly latch on to
religious terminology - that can be dangerous. Nothing is more
transparent than inauthentic expressions of faith. As Jim has
mentioned, some politicians come and clap -- off rhythm -- to the
choir. We don't need that.


In fact, because I do not believe that religious people have a
monopoly on morality, I would rather have someone who is grounded in
morality and ethics, and who is also secular, affirm their morality
and ethics and values without pretending that they're something
they're not. They don't need to do that. None of us need to do that.


But what I am suggesting is this - secularists are wrong when they
ask
believers to leave their religion at the door before entering into
the
public square. Frederick Douglas, Abraham Lincoln, Williams Jennings
Bryant, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King - indeed, the majority of
great reformers in American history - were not only motivated by
faith, but repeatedly used religious language to argue for their
cause. So to say that men and women should not inject their "personal
morality" into public policy debates is a practical absurdity. Our
law
is by definition a codification of morality, much of it grounded in
the Judeo-Christian tradition.


Moreover, if we progressives shed some of these biases, we might
recognize some overlapping values that both religious and secular
people share when it comes to the moral and material direction of our
country. We might recognize that the call to sacrifice on behalf of
the next generation, the need to think in terms of "thou" and not
just
"I," resonates in religious congregations all across the country. And
we might realize that we have the ability to reach out to the
evangelical community and engage millions of religious Americans in
the larger project of American renewal.


Some of this is already beginning to happen. Pastors, friends of mine
like Rick Warren and T.D. Jakes are wielding their enormous
influences
to confront AIDS, Third World debt relief, and the genocide in
Darfur.
Religious thinkers and activists like our good friend Jim Wallis and
Tony Campolo are lifting up the Biblical injunction to help the poor
as a means of mobilizing Christians against budget cuts to social
programs and growing inequality.


And by the way, we need Christians on Capitol Hill, Jews on Capitol
Hill and Muslims on Capitol Hill talking about the estate tax. When
you've got an estate tax debate that proposes a trillion dollars
being
taken out of social programs to go to a handful of folks who don't
need and weren't even asking for it, you know that we need an
injection of morality in our political debate.


Across the country, individual churches like my own and your own are
sponsoring day care programs, building senior centers, helping ex-
offenders reclaim their lives, and rebuilding our gulf coast in the
aftermath of Hurricane Katrina.


So the question is, how do we build on these still-tentative
partnerships between religious and secular people of good will? It's
going to take more work, a lot more work than we've done so far. The
tensions and the suspicions on each side of the religious divide will
have to be squarely addressed. And each side will need to accept some
ground rules for collaboration.


While I've already laid out some of the work that progressive leaders
need to do, I want to talk a little bit about what conservative
leaders need to do -- some truths they need to acknowledge.


For one, they need to understand the critical role that the
separation
of church and state has played in preserving not only our democracy,
but the robustness of our religious practice. Folks tend to forget
that during our founding, it wasn't the atheists or the civil
libertarians who were the most effective champions of the First
Amendment. It was the persecuted minorities, it was Baptists like
John
Leland who didn't want the established churches to impose their views
on folks who were getting happy out in the fields and teaching the
scripture to slaves. It was the forbearers of the evangelicals who
were the most adamant about not mingling government with religious,
because they did not want state-sponsored religion hindering their
ability to practice their faith as they understood it.


Moreover, given the increasing diversity of America's population, the
dangers of sectarianism have never been greater. Whatever we once
were, we are no longer just a Christian nation; we are also a Jewish
nation, a Muslim nation, a Buddhist nation, a Hindu nation, and a
nation of nonbelievers.


And even if we did have only Christians in our midst, if we expelled
every non-Christian from the United States of America, whose
Christianity would we teach in the schools? Would we go with James
Dobson's, or Al Sharpton's? Which passages of Scripture should guide
our public policy? Should we go with Leviticus, which suggests
slavery
is ok and that eating shellfish is abomination? How about
Deuteronomy,
which suggests stoning your child if he strays from the faith? Or
should we just stick to the Sermon on the Mount - a passage that is
so
radical that it's doubtful that our own Defense Department would
survive its application? So before we get carried away, let's read
our
bibles. Folks haven't been reading their bibles.


This brings me to my second point. Democracy demands that the
religiously motivated translate their concerns into universal, rather
than religion-specific, values. It requires that their proposals be
subject to argument, and amenable to reason. I may be opposed to
abortion for religious reasons, but if I seek to pass a law banning
the practice, I cannot simply point to the teachings of my church or
evoke God's will. I have to explain why abortion violates some
principle that is accessible to people of all faiths, including those
with no faith at all.


Now this is going to be difficult for some who believe in the
inerrancy of the Bible, as many evangelicals do. But in a pluralistic
democracy, we have no choice. Politics depends on our ability to
persuade each other of common aims based on a common reality. It
involves the compromise, the art of what's possible. At some
fundamental level, religion does not allow for compromise. It's the
art of the impossible. If God has spoken, then followers are expected
to live up to God's edicts, regardless of the consequences. To base
one's life on such uncompromising commitments may be sublime, but to
base our policy making on such commitments would be a dangerous
thing.
And if you doubt that, let me give you an example.


We all know the story of Abraham and Isaac. Abraham is ordered by God
to offer up his only son, and without argument, he takes Isaac to the
mountaintop, binds him to an altar, and raises his knife, prepared to
act as God has commanded.


Of course, in the end God sends down an angel to intercede at the
very
last minute, and Abraham passes God's test of devotion.


But it's fair to say that if any of us leaving this church saw
Abraham
on a roof of a building raising his knife, we would, at the very
least, call the police and expect the Department of Children and
Family Services to take Isaac away from Abraham. We would do so
because we do not hear what Abraham hears, do not see what Abraham
sees, true as those experiences may be. So the best we can do is act
in accordance with those things that we all see, and that we all
hear,
be it common laws or basic reason.


Finally, any reconciliation between faith and democratic pluralism
requires some sense of proportion.


This goes for both sides.


Even those who claim the Bible's inerrancy make distinctions between
Scriptural edicts, sensing that some passages - the Ten Commandments,
say, or a belief in Christ's divinity - are central to Christian
faith, while others are more culturally specific and may be modified
to accommodate modern life.


The American people intuitively understand this, which is why the
majority of Catholics practice birth control and some of those
opposed
to gay marriage nevertheless are opposed to a Constitutional
amendment
to ban it. Religious leadership need not accept such wisdom in
counseling their flocks, but they should recognize this wisdom in
their politics.


But a sense of proportion should also guide those who police the
boundaries between church and state. Not every mention of God in
public is a breach to the wall of separation - context matters. It is
doubtful that children reciting the Pledge of Allegiance feel
oppressed or brainwashed as a consequence of muttering the phrase
"under God." I didn't. Having voluntary student prayer groups use
school property to meet should not be a threat, any more than its use
by the High School Republicans should threaten Democrats. And one can
envision certain faith-based programs - targeting ex-offenders or
substance abusers - that offer a uniquely powerful way of solving
problems.


So we all have some work to do here. But I am hopeful that we can
bridge the gaps that exist and overcome the prejudices each of us
bring to this debate. And I have faith that millions of believing
Americans want that to happen. No matter how religious they may or
may
not be, people are tired of seeing faith used as a tool of attack.
They don't want faith used to belittle or to divide. They're tired of
hearing folks deliver more screed than sermon. Because in the end,
that's not how they think about faith in their own lives.


So let me end with just one other interaction I had during my
campaign. A few days after I won the Democratic nomination in my U.S.
Senate race, I received an email from a doctor at the University of
Chicago Medical School that said the following:


"Congratulations on your overwhelming and inspiring primary win. I
was
happy to vote for you, and I will tell you that I am seriously
considering voting for you in the general election. I write to
express
my concerns that may, in the end, prevent me from supporting you."


The doctor described himself as a Christian who understood his
commitments to be "totalizing." His faith led him to a strong
opposition to abortion and gay marriage, although he said that his
faith also led him to question the idolatry of the free market and
quick resort to militarism that seemed to characterize much of the
Republican agenda.


But the reason the doctor was considering not voting for me was not
simply my position on abortion. Rather, he had read an entry that my
campaign had posted on my website, which suggested that I would fight
"right-wing ideologues who want to take away a woman's right to
choose." The doctor went on to write:


"I sense that you have a strong sense of justice...and I also sense
that you are a fair minded person with a high regard for
reason...Whatever your convictions, if you truly believe that those
who oppose abortion are all ideologues driven by perverse desires to
inflict suffering on women, then you, in my judgment, are not fair-
minded....You know that we enter times that are fraught with
possibilities for good and for harm, times when we are struggling to
make sense of a common polity in the context of plurality, when we
are
unsure of what grounds we have for making any claims that involve
others...I do not ask at this point that you oppose abortion, only
that you speak about this issue in fair-minded words."


Fair-minded words.


So I looked at my website and found the offending words. In fairness
to them, my staff had written them using standard Democratic
boilerplate language to summarize my pro-choice position during the
Democratic primary, at a time when some of my opponents were
questioning my commitment to protect Roe v. Wade.


Re-reading the doctor's letter, though, I felt a pang of shame. It is
people like him who are looking for a deeper, fuller conversation
about religion in this country. They may not change their positions,
but they are willing to listen and learn from those who are willing
to
speak in fair-minded words. Those who know of the central and awesome
place that God holds in the lives of so many, and who refuse to treat
faith as simply another political issue with which to score points.


So I wrote back to the doctor, and I thanked him for his advice. The
next day, I circulated the email to my staff and changed the language
on my website to state in clear but simple terms my pro-choice
position. And that night, before I went to bed, I said a prayer of my
own - a prayer that I might extend the same presumption of good faith
to others that the doctor had extended to me.


And that night, before I went to bed I said a prayer of my own. It's
a
prayer I think I share with a lot of Americans. A hope that we can
live with one another in a way that reconciles the beliefs of each
with the good of all. It's a prayer worth praying, and a conversation
worth having in this country in the months and years to come.


Thank you.
 
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