K
Kickin' Ass and Takin' Names
Guest
The Hypocrisy Gospel: Get Rich for Jesus?
By , Americans United for Separation of Church and State
Posted on April 2, 2008, Printed on April 2, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/80976/
Researcher Sarah Posner has been following the Religious Right for
several years and writes a blog called The FundamentaList for the
American Prospect. Her new book, God's Profits: Faith, Fraud, and the
Republican Crusade for Values Voters (PoliPointPress, 2008) examines
the role advocates of the "prosperity gospel" play in the Religious
Right.
Posner talked recently with Church & State about her research and the
status of the Religious Right today.
Church & State: Many people think of the prosperity gospel as a
movement that attempts to link Christianity to hypercapitalism and the
collection of wealth. You assert these ministries play a political
role as well. What role does the prosperity gospel play in the
Religious Right?
Posner: When George H.W. Bush was preparing to run for president in
1988, his evangelical advisor, Doug Wead, prepared a list of 1,000
"targets" -- religious leaders of influence worth courting for the
votes of their followers. The list included a lot of names you'd
expect -- Robertson, Falwell, and other household names, but also
included some of the most prominent prosperity gospel evangelists,
notably Kenneth Copeland and Paul Crouch, the head of the Trinity
Broadcasting Network. The courting of these prosperity televangelists
by politicians continues today, as we have seen Mike Huckabee touting
his close relationship with Copeland, and John Hagee and Rod Parsley
campaigning with John McCain. In tune with the Religious Right, they
take ultraconservative positions on issues like abortion, gay
marriage, separation of church and state, and other social issues, and
actively encourage their followers to vote.
In your new book, God's Profits, you discuss Ohio pastor Rod Parsley,
who has labored to make an impact on statewide politics. Parsley's
favored candidate for governor, Ken Blackwell, was soundly defeated in
2006. Does this mean Parsley has lost political influence? What are
his goals, and what are the chances he could become a national figure
as well-known as the late Jerry Falwell?
It's certainly Parsley's goal to be a successor to Falwell. He proudly
accepted an honorary doctorate from Liberty University last year.
(Parsley doesn't even have an undergraduate degree, so this was quite
an honor, to say the least). He has said he sees his Center for Moral
Clarity, the political arm of his church, as the successor to
Falwell's Moral Majority.
Certainly many observers thought Parsley's influence was on the wane
after Blackwell was trounced in the 2006 gubernatorial race. And
although Blackwell's defeat could be chalked up to other factors --
particularly the raft of corruption scandals plaguing Ohio Republicans
-- there was a group of prominent moderate Republicans who came out
against Blackwell because of his religion-baiting.
That said, Parsley's name is still on the tips of conservative tongues
as a religious kingmaker in the race for the White House, and McCain
campaigned with Parsley, whom he called a "spiritual guide," in Ohio
in March.
A spate of new books asserts that the Religious Right is a spent force
politically. What is your view? Have we truly entered a "post-
Religious Right" America?
Many kingmakers on the Religious Right have seen their political
influence wax and wane. Pat Robertson and James Dobson, for example,
do not wield the cult of personality that they once did. Yet while the
movement appears rudderless at the moment, literalist conservative
Christianity runs very deep in our country. Although the public face
of the movement is in transition, and many centrist evangelicals are
striving to spread a less divisive message, the Religious Right's
basic doctrine continues to resonate with a significant segment of the
population. Because of the movement's organization, any new leaders
who emerge over the next few years will have a formidable and well-
funded political and media infrastructure to build on.
The continued survival of the Religious Right depends on the
cultivation of a new generation of activists. In your chapter titled
"Generation Next," you discuss efforts by Religious Right leaders to
raise up a new generation. How successful have these efforts been?
Surely, polling data shows younger evangelicals less interested in
focusing exclusively on gay marriage and abortion as hot button issues
politically, and increasingly interested in combating global warming,
alleviating poverty and ending the war in Iraq. Yet many of the
Generation Next efforts among Religious Right organizations, such as
Ron Luce's Teen Mania, focus on the Pentecostal/charismatic
imperatives of personal purity and holiness, and getting tight with
Jesus. It's hard to measure how many of the kids attending these
events stick with it for the long term, but Luce often fills stadiums
all over the country, and many charismatic churches (including
prosperity gospel churches) dedicate many resources to youth outreach
efforts.
While writing the book, you traveled around the country and visited
many large fundamentalist churches. What observations can you share
with us about the average person who sits in the pews and listens to
prosperity gospel rhetoric week after week?
They believe in and are waiting for signs and wonders, hints they
think God is giving them about the future and miracles they believe
their faith can bring to them. They trust their preachers and teachers
are anointed by God and that God speaks through them. They are
remarkably credulous about the inerrancy of their preachers and
teachers, about the force of their own faith to bring about miraculous
healing and abundance. Interactions are viewed through the prism of
"spiritual warfare" -- the idea that godly forces are perpetually in
battle with satanic forces. As a result, the secular media's reporting
on current events -- particularly when it is critical of their pastors
-- is to be distrusted and disregarded.
Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa is investigating allegations of
financial misconduct at six large ministries affiliated with the
prosperity gospel. Many of the ministries have refused to turn over
information requested by Grassley. In your travels, what did you
observe about the lifestyles of some of these preachers? Are they
really building personal fortunes on the backs of nonprofit entities?
Yes, and the real extent is unknown, because they are not legally
required by the Internal Revenue Service to file tax returns. Whereas
nonreligious tax-exempt organizations must file a tax return that is
publicly available, churches are not required to do so. The lack of
transparency and accountability is at the heart of Grassley's
investigation -- not, as the televangelists contend, a disagreement
about doctrine.
In many cases, public records tell at least part of the story -- how
big and valuable their houses are, what other real estate they own,
how many for-profit companies they control, or whether they own a
private jet, for example. But many details remain hidden, and that is
why Grassley launched his probe.
You write about the Texas pastor John Hagee. Hagee does not receive as
much media attention as some other ministers on the right, yet he
seems to have a good amount of political influence and even has the
support of some Jewish organizations because of his backing of Israel.
Hagee claims to be moderate. What are his views really like?
Hagee was recently thrust into the spotlight after he endorsed John
McCain for president. McCain came under criticism for embracing Hagee,
particularly because of Hagee's anti-Catholic statements. But the
picture of Hagee, who is extremely popular especially among
Pentecostals/charismatics, as well as Christian Zionists, is bigger
than that. He views the world through the prism of "spiritual
warfare," preaches the prosperity message and believes the Bible
foretells a series of events leading to the ultimate showdown at
Armageddon and the Second Coming of Jesus. Connected with the
neoconservative foreign policy establishment, his view of biblical
prophecy informs his position that, for example, a military attack on
Iran is prophesied in the bible and will lead to the apocalypse.
Advocates of the prosperity gospel assert that the First Amendment
gives them the right to believe whatever they want about Christianity.
How do you respond to claims that the prosperity gospel is just
another version of Christianity that is fully protected by the First
Amendment?
Well, sure, from a theological perspective, anyone is entitled to
their beliefs and have constitutionally protected rights to free
exercise of their religion and free speech. But when questions arise
about whether these churches are exploiting their tax-exempt status
for personal profit, that's a question for the Internal Revenue
Service and congressional oversight of the IRS. That's not an
intrusion on anyone's free-speech rights.
Jerry Falwell and D. James Kennedy are dead. James Dobson and Pat
Robertson aren't getting any younger. Who will lead the Religious
Right in the coming years? We've talked about Parsley. Are there other
contenders our readers should know about?
Watch Mike Huckabee. His career is far from over.
By , Americans United for Separation of Church and State
Posted on April 2, 2008, Printed on April 2, 2008
http://www.alternet.org/story/80976/
Researcher Sarah Posner has been following the Religious Right for
several years and writes a blog called The FundamentaList for the
American Prospect. Her new book, God's Profits: Faith, Fraud, and the
Republican Crusade for Values Voters (PoliPointPress, 2008) examines
the role advocates of the "prosperity gospel" play in the Religious
Right.
Posner talked recently with Church & State about her research and the
status of the Religious Right today.
Church & State: Many people think of the prosperity gospel as a
movement that attempts to link Christianity to hypercapitalism and the
collection of wealth. You assert these ministries play a political
role as well. What role does the prosperity gospel play in the
Religious Right?
Posner: When George H.W. Bush was preparing to run for president in
1988, his evangelical advisor, Doug Wead, prepared a list of 1,000
"targets" -- religious leaders of influence worth courting for the
votes of their followers. The list included a lot of names you'd
expect -- Robertson, Falwell, and other household names, but also
included some of the most prominent prosperity gospel evangelists,
notably Kenneth Copeland and Paul Crouch, the head of the Trinity
Broadcasting Network. The courting of these prosperity televangelists
by politicians continues today, as we have seen Mike Huckabee touting
his close relationship with Copeland, and John Hagee and Rod Parsley
campaigning with John McCain. In tune with the Religious Right, they
take ultraconservative positions on issues like abortion, gay
marriage, separation of church and state, and other social issues, and
actively encourage their followers to vote.
In your new book, God's Profits, you discuss Ohio pastor Rod Parsley,
who has labored to make an impact on statewide politics. Parsley's
favored candidate for governor, Ken Blackwell, was soundly defeated in
2006. Does this mean Parsley has lost political influence? What are
his goals, and what are the chances he could become a national figure
as well-known as the late Jerry Falwell?
It's certainly Parsley's goal to be a successor to Falwell. He proudly
accepted an honorary doctorate from Liberty University last year.
(Parsley doesn't even have an undergraduate degree, so this was quite
an honor, to say the least). He has said he sees his Center for Moral
Clarity, the political arm of his church, as the successor to
Falwell's Moral Majority.
Certainly many observers thought Parsley's influence was on the wane
after Blackwell was trounced in the 2006 gubernatorial race. And
although Blackwell's defeat could be chalked up to other factors --
particularly the raft of corruption scandals plaguing Ohio Republicans
-- there was a group of prominent moderate Republicans who came out
against Blackwell because of his religion-baiting.
That said, Parsley's name is still on the tips of conservative tongues
as a religious kingmaker in the race for the White House, and McCain
campaigned with Parsley, whom he called a "spiritual guide," in Ohio
in March.
A spate of new books asserts that the Religious Right is a spent force
politically. What is your view? Have we truly entered a "post-
Religious Right" America?
Many kingmakers on the Religious Right have seen their political
influence wax and wane. Pat Robertson and James Dobson, for example,
do not wield the cult of personality that they once did. Yet while the
movement appears rudderless at the moment, literalist conservative
Christianity runs very deep in our country. Although the public face
of the movement is in transition, and many centrist evangelicals are
striving to spread a less divisive message, the Religious Right's
basic doctrine continues to resonate with a significant segment of the
population. Because of the movement's organization, any new leaders
who emerge over the next few years will have a formidable and well-
funded political and media infrastructure to build on.
The continued survival of the Religious Right depends on the
cultivation of a new generation of activists. In your chapter titled
"Generation Next," you discuss efforts by Religious Right leaders to
raise up a new generation. How successful have these efforts been?
Surely, polling data shows younger evangelicals less interested in
focusing exclusively on gay marriage and abortion as hot button issues
politically, and increasingly interested in combating global warming,
alleviating poverty and ending the war in Iraq. Yet many of the
Generation Next efforts among Religious Right organizations, such as
Ron Luce's Teen Mania, focus on the Pentecostal/charismatic
imperatives of personal purity and holiness, and getting tight with
Jesus. It's hard to measure how many of the kids attending these
events stick with it for the long term, but Luce often fills stadiums
all over the country, and many charismatic churches (including
prosperity gospel churches) dedicate many resources to youth outreach
efforts.
While writing the book, you traveled around the country and visited
many large fundamentalist churches. What observations can you share
with us about the average person who sits in the pews and listens to
prosperity gospel rhetoric week after week?
They believe in and are waiting for signs and wonders, hints they
think God is giving them about the future and miracles they believe
their faith can bring to them. They trust their preachers and teachers
are anointed by God and that God speaks through them. They are
remarkably credulous about the inerrancy of their preachers and
teachers, about the force of their own faith to bring about miraculous
healing and abundance. Interactions are viewed through the prism of
"spiritual warfare" -- the idea that godly forces are perpetually in
battle with satanic forces. As a result, the secular media's reporting
on current events -- particularly when it is critical of their pastors
-- is to be distrusted and disregarded.
Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa is investigating allegations of
financial misconduct at six large ministries affiliated with the
prosperity gospel. Many of the ministries have refused to turn over
information requested by Grassley. In your travels, what did you
observe about the lifestyles of some of these preachers? Are they
really building personal fortunes on the backs of nonprofit entities?
Yes, and the real extent is unknown, because they are not legally
required by the Internal Revenue Service to file tax returns. Whereas
nonreligious tax-exempt organizations must file a tax return that is
publicly available, churches are not required to do so. The lack of
transparency and accountability is at the heart of Grassley's
investigation -- not, as the televangelists contend, a disagreement
about doctrine.
In many cases, public records tell at least part of the story -- how
big and valuable their houses are, what other real estate they own,
how many for-profit companies they control, or whether they own a
private jet, for example. But many details remain hidden, and that is
why Grassley launched his probe.
You write about the Texas pastor John Hagee. Hagee does not receive as
much media attention as some other ministers on the right, yet he
seems to have a good amount of political influence and even has the
support of some Jewish organizations because of his backing of Israel.
Hagee claims to be moderate. What are his views really like?
Hagee was recently thrust into the spotlight after he endorsed John
McCain for president. McCain came under criticism for embracing Hagee,
particularly because of Hagee's anti-Catholic statements. But the
picture of Hagee, who is extremely popular especially among
Pentecostals/charismatics, as well as Christian Zionists, is bigger
than that. He views the world through the prism of "spiritual
warfare," preaches the prosperity message and believes the Bible
foretells a series of events leading to the ultimate showdown at
Armageddon and the Second Coming of Jesus. Connected with the
neoconservative foreign policy establishment, his view of biblical
prophecy informs his position that, for example, a military attack on
Iran is prophesied in the bible and will lead to the apocalypse.
Advocates of the prosperity gospel assert that the First Amendment
gives them the right to believe whatever they want about Christianity.
How do you respond to claims that the prosperity gospel is just
another version of Christianity that is fully protected by the First
Amendment?
Well, sure, from a theological perspective, anyone is entitled to
their beliefs and have constitutionally protected rights to free
exercise of their religion and free speech. But when questions arise
about whether these churches are exploiting their tax-exempt status
for personal profit, that's a question for the Internal Revenue
Service and congressional oversight of the IRS. That's not an
intrusion on anyone's free-speech rights.
Jerry Falwell and D. James Kennedy are dead. James Dobson and Pat
Robertson aren't getting any younger. Who will lead the Religious
Right in the coming years? We've talked about Parsley. Are there other
contenders our readers should know about?
Watch Mike Huckabee. His career is far from over.