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October 7, 2007
Syria Is Said to Be Strengthening Ties to Opponents of Iraq's Government
By HUGH NAYLOR
DAMASCUS, Syria, Oct. 6 - Syria is encouraging Sunni Arab insurgent groups
and former Iraqi Baathists with ties to the leaders of Saddam Hussein's
government to organize here, diplomats and Syrian political analysts say. By
building strong ties to those groups, they say, Syria hopes to gain
influence in Iraq before what it sees as the inevitable waning of the
American presence there.
"The Syrians feel American power is much weaker in Iraq than in the past,"
said Ibrahim Hamidi, the Damascus bureau chief of the pan-Arab daily
newspaper Al Hayat. "Now they can take a bold public initiative like helping
Iraq's opposition organize without much fear, especially since President
Bush has become a lame duck."
In July, former Baathists opposed to the Iraqi government of Prime Minister
Nuri Kamal al-Maliki scheduled a conference for insurgent groups - including
two of the most prominent, the 1920s Revolution Brigades and Ansar al
Sunna - at the Sahara Resort outside Damascus.
The meeting followed two others in Syria in January that aimed to form an
opposition front to the government of Iraq, and an announcement in Damascus
in July of the formation of a coalition of seven Sunni Arab insurgent groups
with the goal of coordinating and intensifying attacks in Iraq to force an
American withdrawal. That coalition has since expanded to incorporate other
groups.
The July conference was canceled at the last minute, however, indicating the
political perils of Syria's developing strategy. It was called off by the
government of President Bashar al-Assad, participants, diplomats and
analysts said, primarily because of pressure from Iran.
Iran is Syria's chief ally and a staunch supporter of Iraq's
Shiite-dominated government. The Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,
visited Damascus just days before the conference was to have taken place.
Still, hundreds turned up for the event, including Harith al-Dari, the
leader of the Association of Muslim Scholars, a major Sunni opposition
group, and other high-profile figures wanted by the Iraqi government.
Several said they hoped to reschedule the conference in Syria in the near
future.
"The American project in Iraq is collapsing, and we decided it was important
to reach out to fellow Iraqis now," said Nizar Samari, the spokesman for the
conference and a former media director for Mr. Hussein.
Syria, which the United States accuses of channeling Islamic militants into
Iraq, denies any role in organizing groups opposed to the Iraqi government.
Analysts and diplomats, however, said they strongly doubted that the groups
could operate in Syria, a police state, without the approval of the
government.
Western diplomats and political commentators differed on the extent of
influence Damascus could ultimately wield over the opposition groups. But
they agreed that Syria had been using them to show the United States and
Iran, often described as the big brother in its longstanding alliance with
Damascus, that it had the capacity to play a major role in Iraq's future.
"Iran is the big player in Iraq," said Mr. Hamidi, of Al Hayat, "but it
lacks influence on the Baathists and the Sunnis."
That would seem to create a natural opening for Syria, a predominantly Sunni
country governed by its own version of the Baath Party. But its relations
with the Iraqi Baathists have long been strained. Syria backed Iran in its
war with Iraq in the 1980s and supported the United States against Mr.
Hussein during the Persian Gulf war of 1991.
So Syria is walking a fine line, forging an "enemy of my enemy" relationship
with the Iraqi Baathists and insurgents while still maintaining an alliance
with Tehran. It is a risky strategy that carries the added danger of
possibly incurring the wrath of Al Qaeda.
"The conference brought together those people with a stake in Iraq and some
of those who have not allied with America's biggest foe, Al Qaeda," said one
political commentator, who asked not to be identified out of concern for his
safety, referring to the canceled July conference. "This was a risky move by
Syria, because it could draw attacks."
After the United States-led invasion of Iraq, which Damascus strongly
opposed, Syria became a haven for a number of high-ranking Baathists from
Mr. Hussein's government, many of whom were wanted by the American military.
Syrian political analysts say they brought with them millions of dollars
stolen from Iraq and were given refuge on condition that they kept a low
profile because Syria feared reprisals from American forces in Iraq.
The Iraqi government has in the past accused Damascus of harboring Iraqis
who are aiding the insurgency. And Syria makes no secret of its sympathy for
the insurgents.
"Syria looks to the resistance as freedom fighters, like George Washington
fighting the British," said Mahdi Dahlala, a former Syrian minister of
information. "We understand that the rising up against occupation is a
natural phenomenon."
Syrian authorities have on occasion turned over wanted Iraqis when they
wished to placate Washington or Baghdad. In 2005, Mr. Hussein's half brother
Sabawi Ibrahim al-Hassan, who was No. 36 of the 55 Iraqis most wanted by the
United States military, and 29 other former Baathist officials hiding in
Syria were handed over to the Iraqi government on suspicion of aiding the
insurgency.
But during his visit to Syria in August, Prime Minister Maliki urged
President Assad, to no avail, to hand over more wanted Iraqis widely
believed to be hiding in Syria.
"Syria is not going hand over any Iraqis to the Iraqi government unless they
produce evidence of wrongdoing," Mr. Dahlala said.
Officials in the Bush administration say that Syria has had a mixed record
recently, taking some steps that American officials see as helpful in Iraq
and others that show that Damascus is seeking to build its own influence
there.
In an interview, a senior Defense Department official praised Damascus for
canceling the opposition conference and noted that the Syrians had cracked
down to a degree on Islamic militants operating near the border with Iraq, a
move long sought by Washington.
An intelligence assessment released in August in Washington said that the
Syrian government had gone after Islamic smuggling networks. But it did so
not out of a desire to help the United States, the report said, but because
it feared that the groups presented a threat to the Syrian government.
The report also criticized the Syrians for funneling money to Sunni
insurgent groups inside Iraq "in a bid to increase Syrian influence."
Syria has long had a regional strategy of influencing its neighbors'
politics by harboring their opposition groups. Washington imposed economic
sanctions on Syria in 2004 for, among other things, its support of Hamas and
several other militant Palestinian groups.
Suspected of orchestrating the 2005 assassination of a former Lebanese prime
minister, Rafik Hariri, Syria has also come under increasing pressure from
the United States and France for its support of Hezbollah, the Lebanese
Shiite militia.
Thabet Salem, a Syrian political commentator, said Syria was also exploiting
a rift between two former Iraqi Baath Party leaders, Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri,
a former vice president under Mr. Hussein, and Muhammad Younis al-Ahmed, who
is believed to be living in Syria. The two men, accused by Washington and
Baghdad of leading and financing terrorist operations in Iraq, have
multimillion-dollar bounties on their heads.
"Younis al-Ahmed is trying to go under the umbrella of the Syrians as a way
to unite the Baathists," Mr. Salem said. "And the Syrians quietly support
him, because they could have more control over their actions."
In January, Mr. Ahmed held a conference in the northern Syrian city of Homs
to try to revive the Iraqi Baath Party. Some Syrians speculated that he
wanted to take a more conciliatory stance with the Iraqi government and the
United States. His rival, Mr. Douri, who is suspected of having stronger
ties with insurgent groups, rejected the conference.
"Douri deeply distrusts working with the Syrians because he distrusts the
Iranians, who are strong allies with Syria," Mr. Salem said.
Mr. Ahmed is believed to be garnering increasing support in Syria from
former Iraqi Baathists, at the expense of Mr. Douri and other rivals, by
offering cash incentives and Syrian residency permits. Loyalty to his
leadership is said to be particularly strong among the poorer, Sunni Arab,
segments of Syria's two million Iraqi refugees.
"Syria could gain tremendous influence in Iraq if it could get control over
the Iraqi Baathists," Mr. Salem said. "It has much more in common,
ideologically speaking, with them than it does with the Islamists in Hamas."
A spokesman for Mr. Douri's wing of former Baathists living in Syria, who
goes by the nom de guerre Abu Muhammad, condemned Mr. Ahmed and denied
suggestions that former Baathists were turning away from Mr. Douri or
considering negotiating with Washington.
"We want every American soldier out of Iraq, and we won't stop fighting
until that happens," Mr. Muhammad said.
Syria Is Said to Be Strengthening Ties to Opponents of Iraq's Government
By HUGH NAYLOR
DAMASCUS, Syria, Oct. 6 - Syria is encouraging Sunni Arab insurgent groups
and former Iraqi Baathists with ties to the leaders of Saddam Hussein's
government to organize here, diplomats and Syrian political analysts say. By
building strong ties to those groups, they say, Syria hopes to gain
influence in Iraq before what it sees as the inevitable waning of the
American presence there.
"The Syrians feel American power is much weaker in Iraq than in the past,"
said Ibrahim Hamidi, the Damascus bureau chief of the pan-Arab daily
newspaper Al Hayat. "Now they can take a bold public initiative like helping
Iraq's opposition organize without much fear, especially since President
Bush has become a lame duck."
In July, former Baathists opposed to the Iraqi government of Prime Minister
Nuri Kamal al-Maliki scheduled a conference for insurgent groups - including
two of the most prominent, the 1920s Revolution Brigades and Ansar al
Sunna - at the Sahara Resort outside Damascus.
The meeting followed two others in Syria in January that aimed to form an
opposition front to the government of Iraq, and an announcement in Damascus
in July of the formation of a coalition of seven Sunni Arab insurgent groups
with the goal of coordinating and intensifying attacks in Iraq to force an
American withdrawal. That coalition has since expanded to incorporate other
groups.
The July conference was canceled at the last minute, however, indicating the
political perils of Syria's developing strategy. It was called off by the
government of President Bashar al-Assad, participants, diplomats and
analysts said, primarily because of pressure from Iran.
Iran is Syria's chief ally and a staunch supporter of Iraq's
Shiite-dominated government. The Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad,
visited Damascus just days before the conference was to have taken place.
Still, hundreds turned up for the event, including Harith al-Dari, the
leader of the Association of Muslim Scholars, a major Sunni opposition
group, and other high-profile figures wanted by the Iraqi government.
Several said they hoped to reschedule the conference in Syria in the near
future.
"The American project in Iraq is collapsing, and we decided it was important
to reach out to fellow Iraqis now," said Nizar Samari, the spokesman for the
conference and a former media director for Mr. Hussein.
Syria, which the United States accuses of channeling Islamic militants into
Iraq, denies any role in organizing groups opposed to the Iraqi government.
Analysts and diplomats, however, said they strongly doubted that the groups
could operate in Syria, a police state, without the approval of the
government.
Western diplomats and political commentators differed on the extent of
influence Damascus could ultimately wield over the opposition groups. But
they agreed that Syria had been using them to show the United States and
Iran, often described as the big brother in its longstanding alliance with
Damascus, that it had the capacity to play a major role in Iraq's future.
"Iran is the big player in Iraq," said Mr. Hamidi, of Al Hayat, "but it
lacks influence on the Baathists and the Sunnis."
That would seem to create a natural opening for Syria, a predominantly Sunni
country governed by its own version of the Baath Party. But its relations
with the Iraqi Baathists have long been strained. Syria backed Iran in its
war with Iraq in the 1980s and supported the United States against Mr.
Hussein during the Persian Gulf war of 1991.
So Syria is walking a fine line, forging an "enemy of my enemy" relationship
with the Iraqi Baathists and insurgents while still maintaining an alliance
with Tehran. It is a risky strategy that carries the added danger of
possibly incurring the wrath of Al Qaeda.
"The conference brought together those people with a stake in Iraq and some
of those who have not allied with America's biggest foe, Al Qaeda," said one
political commentator, who asked not to be identified out of concern for his
safety, referring to the canceled July conference. "This was a risky move by
Syria, because it could draw attacks."
After the United States-led invasion of Iraq, which Damascus strongly
opposed, Syria became a haven for a number of high-ranking Baathists from
Mr. Hussein's government, many of whom were wanted by the American military.
Syrian political analysts say they brought with them millions of dollars
stolen from Iraq and were given refuge on condition that they kept a low
profile because Syria feared reprisals from American forces in Iraq.
The Iraqi government has in the past accused Damascus of harboring Iraqis
who are aiding the insurgency. And Syria makes no secret of its sympathy for
the insurgents.
"Syria looks to the resistance as freedom fighters, like George Washington
fighting the British," said Mahdi Dahlala, a former Syrian minister of
information. "We understand that the rising up against occupation is a
natural phenomenon."
Syrian authorities have on occasion turned over wanted Iraqis when they
wished to placate Washington or Baghdad. In 2005, Mr. Hussein's half brother
Sabawi Ibrahim al-Hassan, who was No. 36 of the 55 Iraqis most wanted by the
United States military, and 29 other former Baathist officials hiding in
Syria were handed over to the Iraqi government on suspicion of aiding the
insurgency.
But during his visit to Syria in August, Prime Minister Maliki urged
President Assad, to no avail, to hand over more wanted Iraqis widely
believed to be hiding in Syria.
"Syria is not going hand over any Iraqis to the Iraqi government unless they
produce evidence of wrongdoing," Mr. Dahlala said.
Officials in the Bush administration say that Syria has had a mixed record
recently, taking some steps that American officials see as helpful in Iraq
and others that show that Damascus is seeking to build its own influence
there.
In an interview, a senior Defense Department official praised Damascus for
canceling the opposition conference and noted that the Syrians had cracked
down to a degree on Islamic militants operating near the border with Iraq, a
move long sought by Washington.
An intelligence assessment released in August in Washington said that the
Syrian government had gone after Islamic smuggling networks. But it did so
not out of a desire to help the United States, the report said, but because
it feared that the groups presented a threat to the Syrian government.
The report also criticized the Syrians for funneling money to Sunni
insurgent groups inside Iraq "in a bid to increase Syrian influence."
Syria has long had a regional strategy of influencing its neighbors'
politics by harboring their opposition groups. Washington imposed economic
sanctions on Syria in 2004 for, among other things, its support of Hamas and
several other militant Palestinian groups.
Suspected of orchestrating the 2005 assassination of a former Lebanese prime
minister, Rafik Hariri, Syria has also come under increasing pressure from
the United States and France for its support of Hezbollah, the Lebanese
Shiite militia.
Thabet Salem, a Syrian political commentator, said Syria was also exploiting
a rift between two former Iraqi Baath Party leaders, Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri,
a former vice president under Mr. Hussein, and Muhammad Younis al-Ahmed, who
is believed to be living in Syria. The two men, accused by Washington and
Baghdad of leading and financing terrorist operations in Iraq, have
multimillion-dollar bounties on their heads.
"Younis al-Ahmed is trying to go under the umbrella of the Syrians as a way
to unite the Baathists," Mr. Salem said. "And the Syrians quietly support
him, because they could have more control over their actions."
In January, Mr. Ahmed held a conference in the northern Syrian city of Homs
to try to revive the Iraqi Baath Party. Some Syrians speculated that he
wanted to take a more conciliatory stance with the Iraqi government and the
United States. His rival, Mr. Douri, who is suspected of having stronger
ties with insurgent groups, rejected the conference.
"Douri deeply distrusts working with the Syrians because he distrusts the
Iranians, who are strong allies with Syria," Mr. Salem said.
Mr. Ahmed is believed to be garnering increasing support in Syria from
former Iraqi Baathists, at the expense of Mr. Douri and other rivals, by
offering cash incentives and Syrian residency permits. Loyalty to his
leadership is said to be particularly strong among the poorer, Sunni Arab,
segments of Syria's two million Iraqi refugees.
"Syria could gain tremendous influence in Iraq if it could get control over
the Iraqi Baathists," Mr. Salem said. "It has much more in common,
ideologically speaking, with them than it does with the Islamists in Hamas."
A spokesman for Mr. Douri's wing of former Baathists living in Syria, who
goes by the nom de guerre Abu Muhammad, condemned Mr. Ahmed and denied
suggestions that former Baathists were turning away from Mr. Douri or
considering negotiating with Washington.
"We want every American soldier out of Iraq, and we won't stop fighting
until that happens," Mr. Muhammad said.