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Gandalf Grey
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The Gulag Comes to America: The Don Siegelman Case
By Ernest Partridge
Created Jan 30 2008 - 10:19am
A Political Prisoner
Today, Don Siegelman, former governor of the state of Alabama, sits in a
federal prison, sentenced to a seven year term for bribery.
Every day that Siegelman remains in prison every American citizen who openly
dissents from the policies and protests the criminality of the Bush/Cheney
regime is less free and more vulnerable to politically motivated
prosecution.
For the plain fact of the matter is that Don Siegelman is, in effect, a
political prisoner. The formal charge against him was bribery. But,
practically speaking, his offense was his political success as a Democrat in
a "red" Republican state. When Siegelman indicated an interest in reviving
his political career, one of his accusers was heard to say, "[We're] going
to take care of Siegelman." And so they did.
Larisa Alexandrovna, one of the few journalists to investigate this case in
depth, writes: [1]
For most Americans, the very concept of political prisoners is remote and
exotic, a practice that is associated with third-world dictatorships but is
foreign to the American tradition. The idea that a prominent politician - a
former state governor - could be tried on charges that many observers
consider to be trumped-up, convicted in a trial that involved numerous
questionable procedures, and then hauled off to prison in shackles
immediately upon sentencing would be almost unbelievable.
Less "unbelievable," perhaps, if we reflect upon a dominant Republican
mind-set: politics as warfare, the Democrats as "evil" and "the enemy," and
not as "the loyal opposition." "You are either with us or with the
terrorists," said George Bush -- no compromise, no alternatives, and no
middle ground. Thus the goal of the GOP warrior is not merely to defeat the
Democrats; the goal is to destroy them.
This was the objective of those who brought charges against Don Siegelman,
in a case that stinks from top to bottom of political vendetta and
manipulation. It's a rather complicated story, which I cannot recount in
detail here. Those details may be found in the Raw Story (Alexandrovna et
al) series and the DemocracyNow Scott Horton interview, listed and linked
below. However, these are the essential elements:
The bribery charge rose out of Siegelman's appointment of Richard Scrushy to
the Alabama hospital regulatory board, a non-paying position that Scrusky
had held under two previous governors. The appointment followed Scrushy's
donation of a half million dollars to a Siegelman foundation and gained
Siegelman no financial advantage whatever. Of course, political favors to
donors is routine in both state an federal government, as numerous
ambassadorial appointments will testify. Moreover, clearly illegal campaign
contributions were received by Alabama Republican Senator Jeff Sessions and
Federal Judge William Pryor, who have not been investigated much less
prosecuted.
Siegelman held the distinction of serving all four elective state offices:
Attorney General, Secretary of State, Lieutenant Governor and Governor. With
his prestige, popularity, and name-recognition, he was a persistent threat
to the well-oiled Alabama GOP political machine. As his daughter, Dana,
describes it [2],
The men and women behind this conspiracy have a lot against my dad. My dad
wanted an education lottery, brought jobs to the state, made big businesses
pay their taxes, sought to completely change Alabama's constitution, raised
teachers' salaries, gave African Americans jobs that Caucasians had
supremacy over for years, helped in fundraisers for other Democrats,
supported the arts, was well-respected on a national level, etc... It was a
battle against a truly liberal leader, not some moderate Democrat. He held
the highest offices in the state and was Alabama's longest running
politician. Republicans wanted their state back, and they got it.
"They got it" through a stolen election. In 2002, Siegelman appeared to have
won re-election against Republican challenger Bob Riley. But then, in
Baldwin county, Republican election supervisors (no Democrats allowed),
locked the doors and "discovered" a "computer glitch" that tilted the
election to Riley, whereupon the GOP Attorney General, William Pryor, put
the kibosh on Siegelman's appeal for a recount by sealing the ballots.
(Siegelman gives his account of the theft here [3]).
While Siegelman vowed "to come back and fight another day," the GOP was
determined to see to it that he was at last down for the count.
Enter Bill Canary, Republican kingmaker, friend and confidant of Karl Rove,
campaign advisor to William Pryor and Bob Riley, and, not coincidentally,
husband of U.S. Attorney, Leura Canary. It was Mrs. Canary, along with U.S.
Attorney Alice Martin, who brought the case against Siegelman.
Enter next, Dana Jill Simpson, a rare and endangered political animal: a
republican political operative with a conscience and an allegiance to the
rule of law that trumps partisan loyalty. As Scott Horton reports [4], in a
sworn affidavit Ms. Simpson, Riley's campaign attorney,
provide[d] a detailed specific account of what transpired, starting with
[Bill] Canary's statement "not to worry about Don Siegelman that 'his girls
would take care of him.'" Then Riley's son asked Canary if he was sure that
Siegelman would be "taken care of," and Canary told him not to worry that he
had already gotten it worked out with Karl and Karl had spoken with the
Department of Justice and the Department of Justice was already pursuing Don
Siegelman." "His girls" were Canary's wife Leura Canary, who as U.S.
Attorney in the Middle District of Alabama, did in fact start the
investigation, only dropping off when objections were raised by Governor
Siegelman's counsel due to her obvious political bias and the U.S. Attorney
in Birmingham, Alice Martin. Ms. Simpson, who gave the affidavit, is a
lifelong Republican and was a worker in the Riley campaign against
Siegelman, and her account has been contemporaneously corroborated.
While communicating with Siegelman's attorney prior to releasing her
affidavit, Simpson's house was demolished by a mysterious fire, and Simpson
herself was forced off the road. Mere coincidences, of course.
The judge at Siegelman's trial, Mark Fuller, a Bush appointee and a former
member of the executive committee of the Alabama Republican party, had a
well-known grudge against Siegelman. Fuller refused to recuse himself from
the case, denied bail, immediately put Siegelman in shackles and ordered him
to the Atlanta federal prison. After seven months Judge Fuller, in violation
of the law, has refused to release the trial transcript without which the
defendant can not appeal his conviction.
Don Siegelman has since been shuttled back and forth among several federal
prisons out of touch with his attorneys and not allowed access to the
internet or to press interviews. This treatment has prompted an
unprecedented demand by forty-four former state attorneys general for a
Congressional investigation of the Siegelman case.
The Purge in Progress
The Siegelman Saga puts a human face on a widespread politicization of the
U.S. Department of Justice. In a similar case in Wisconsin, Georgia
Thompson, a purchasing official in the state government, was convicted of
corruption in a case that worked to the advantage of a Republican candidate
for governor. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals was so shocked by the
injustice of her conviction that they ordered Thompson's immediate release,
even before issuing a ruling. The evidence against her, said Judge Diane
Wood, was "beyond thin."
The December, 2006, firings of eight Republican U.S. attorneys, who insisted
upon conducting their offices without partisan bias, has brought national
attention to the political corruption of the Justice Department and has
caused many to wonder about the behavior of the remaining eight-five U.S.
attorneys that Alberto Gonzales saw fit to retain. It is a troubling
question.
A study by Donald Shields and John Cragan [5], two professors of
communication, may supply an answer: "the offices of the U.S. Attorneys
across the nation investigate seven times as many Democratic officials as
they investigate Republican officials, a number that exceeds even the racial
profiling of African Americans in traffic stops." (The numbers: 298
Democrats, 67 Republicans, 10 "Others").
This apparent partisan purge of Democrats, combined with amnesty for
Republicans, hits close to home. It is reported that Carol Lam, one of the
eight sacked U.S. Attorneys, was hot on the trail of my Republican
Congressman, Jerry Lewis. I've heard nothing more about this investigation,
so it appears that Lewis is off the hook.
So now we have in place a thoroughgoing corruption of the federal justice
system. The blindfold has been torn off the face of lady justice, as the
Department of Justice becomes, in effect, an extension of the Republican
Party, and possession of a public office by a Democrat becomes a de facto
crime, should the hounds of the Department of Justice decide to go after
said official.
The Democratic Congress has been remarkably complacent about all this. True,
they have called a few young graduates from Pat Robertson's Regent U. Law
school to testify, they have heard from the fired U.S. attorneys, and the
Democrats have promised hearings on the Siegelman case. But its all show - a
bark without a bite - as the White House and the Department of Justice
steadfastly refuse to recognize subpoenas or allow the key players to
testify under oath. These offenses, by the way, were included among the
articles of impeachment against Richard Nixon.
Unsurprisingly, these outrages by the Department of Defense have not excited
much interest in the mainstream media, with the honorable exception of Keith
Olbermann and Dan Abrams of MSNBC. Abrams series, "Bush League Justice,"
which was broadcast last December, was magnificent, and he promised that
"we're not going to let this go away... We are going to be watching very
closely." Six weeks later, we are awaiting the follow-up. In addition, rumor
has it that 60 Minutes is preparing a segment on the Siegelman case.
Two Roads Diverge.
The fate of Don Siegelman may reflect the fate of our republic. We are at a
crucial crossroads, one road leads to a restoration of the rule of law, and
the other road leads to despotism.
If Don Siegelman's persecutors have their way and he serves out his term of
seven years, and if the culprits who stole his re-election and railroaded
him to federal lockup enjoy the fruits of their villainy and escape
punishment, then the rule of law is dead in Alabama and in critical
condition in Washington D.C. Then the gangrene of lawlessness in Alabama may
spread until it destroys the entire body politic.
I seem to recall a comment by some Bushie to the effect that "we're pushing
the limits until someone or something stops us." To date, those limits have
extended well beyond the Constitution and the rule of law. Acts of Congress
are nullified by signing statements, Congressional oversight is blinded by
"executive privilege" and a refusal to recognize subpoenas. Elections have
been privatized and are unverifiable. All that's left to the Congress to
contain this burgeoning power of "the unitary executive" is impeachment, and
impeachment, as we all know, is "off the table."
Someone, somehow, must draw a line in the sand and say "no further!" And
then, push back - and back -- and back.
"Just wait," we hear, "in less than a year there will be a new president and
a new day dawning." If so, then this new day will require a new leader with
qualities and capacities that are not conspicuous in any of the present-day
contenders for that office.
Perhaps the next President, once in office, will surprise us with inspired
leadership qualities not now apparent. It has happened before.
But the restoration of freedom never simply "trickles down" from great
leaders. It must also "percolate up" from the people. And I don't see much
reason for hope in the American public today. But extraordinary crises have
a way of summoning extraordinary virtues.
If, somehow, we follow the road to restoration of democracy and the rule of
law, we should see at the beginning of that journey the release and
exoneration of Don Siegelman, the disgrace and punishment of his tormenters,
and the end of political prosecution.
It will be a long and arduous road to follow. But it is the only road worthy
of our dedication and effort.
Copyright 2008 by Ernest Partridge
--
NOTICE: This post contains copyrighted material the use of which has not
always been authorized by the copyright owner. I am making such material
available to advance understanding of
political, human rights, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues. I
believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of such copyrighted material as
provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright
Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107
"A little patience and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their
spells dissolve, and the people recovering their true sight, restore their
government to its true principles. It is true that in the meantime we are
suffering deeply in spirit,
and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public
debt. But if the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have
patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of winning
back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are at
stake."
-Thomas Jefferson
By Ernest Partridge
Created Jan 30 2008 - 10:19am
A Political Prisoner
Today, Don Siegelman, former governor of the state of Alabama, sits in a
federal prison, sentenced to a seven year term for bribery.
Every day that Siegelman remains in prison every American citizen who openly
dissents from the policies and protests the criminality of the Bush/Cheney
regime is less free and more vulnerable to politically motivated
prosecution.
For the plain fact of the matter is that Don Siegelman is, in effect, a
political prisoner. The formal charge against him was bribery. But,
practically speaking, his offense was his political success as a Democrat in
a "red" Republican state. When Siegelman indicated an interest in reviving
his political career, one of his accusers was heard to say, "[We're] going
to take care of Siegelman." And so they did.
Larisa Alexandrovna, one of the few journalists to investigate this case in
depth, writes: [1]
For most Americans, the very concept of political prisoners is remote and
exotic, a practice that is associated with third-world dictatorships but is
foreign to the American tradition. The idea that a prominent politician - a
former state governor - could be tried on charges that many observers
consider to be trumped-up, convicted in a trial that involved numerous
questionable procedures, and then hauled off to prison in shackles
immediately upon sentencing would be almost unbelievable.
Less "unbelievable," perhaps, if we reflect upon a dominant Republican
mind-set: politics as warfare, the Democrats as "evil" and "the enemy," and
not as "the loyal opposition." "You are either with us or with the
terrorists," said George Bush -- no compromise, no alternatives, and no
middle ground. Thus the goal of the GOP warrior is not merely to defeat the
Democrats; the goal is to destroy them.
This was the objective of those who brought charges against Don Siegelman,
in a case that stinks from top to bottom of political vendetta and
manipulation. It's a rather complicated story, which I cannot recount in
detail here. Those details may be found in the Raw Story (Alexandrovna et
al) series and the DemocracyNow Scott Horton interview, listed and linked
below. However, these are the essential elements:
The bribery charge rose out of Siegelman's appointment of Richard Scrushy to
the Alabama hospital regulatory board, a non-paying position that Scrusky
had held under two previous governors. The appointment followed Scrushy's
donation of a half million dollars to a Siegelman foundation and gained
Siegelman no financial advantage whatever. Of course, political favors to
donors is routine in both state an federal government, as numerous
ambassadorial appointments will testify. Moreover, clearly illegal campaign
contributions were received by Alabama Republican Senator Jeff Sessions and
Federal Judge William Pryor, who have not been investigated much less
prosecuted.
Siegelman held the distinction of serving all four elective state offices:
Attorney General, Secretary of State, Lieutenant Governor and Governor. With
his prestige, popularity, and name-recognition, he was a persistent threat
to the well-oiled Alabama GOP political machine. As his daughter, Dana,
describes it [2],
The men and women behind this conspiracy have a lot against my dad. My dad
wanted an education lottery, brought jobs to the state, made big businesses
pay their taxes, sought to completely change Alabama's constitution, raised
teachers' salaries, gave African Americans jobs that Caucasians had
supremacy over for years, helped in fundraisers for other Democrats,
supported the arts, was well-respected on a national level, etc... It was a
battle against a truly liberal leader, not some moderate Democrat. He held
the highest offices in the state and was Alabama's longest running
politician. Republicans wanted their state back, and they got it.
"They got it" through a stolen election. In 2002, Siegelman appeared to have
won re-election against Republican challenger Bob Riley. But then, in
Baldwin county, Republican election supervisors (no Democrats allowed),
locked the doors and "discovered" a "computer glitch" that tilted the
election to Riley, whereupon the GOP Attorney General, William Pryor, put
the kibosh on Siegelman's appeal for a recount by sealing the ballots.
(Siegelman gives his account of the theft here [3]).
While Siegelman vowed "to come back and fight another day," the GOP was
determined to see to it that he was at last down for the count.
Enter Bill Canary, Republican kingmaker, friend and confidant of Karl Rove,
campaign advisor to William Pryor and Bob Riley, and, not coincidentally,
husband of U.S. Attorney, Leura Canary. It was Mrs. Canary, along with U.S.
Attorney Alice Martin, who brought the case against Siegelman.
Enter next, Dana Jill Simpson, a rare and endangered political animal: a
republican political operative with a conscience and an allegiance to the
rule of law that trumps partisan loyalty. As Scott Horton reports [4], in a
sworn affidavit Ms. Simpson, Riley's campaign attorney,
provide[d] a detailed specific account of what transpired, starting with
[Bill] Canary's statement "not to worry about Don Siegelman that 'his girls
would take care of him.'" Then Riley's son asked Canary if he was sure that
Siegelman would be "taken care of," and Canary told him not to worry that he
had already gotten it worked out with Karl and Karl had spoken with the
Department of Justice and the Department of Justice was already pursuing Don
Siegelman." "His girls" were Canary's wife Leura Canary, who as U.S.
Attorney in the Middle District of Alabama, did in fact start the
investigation, only dropping off when objections were raised by Governor
Siegelman's counsel due to her obvious political bias and the U.S. Attorney
in Birmingham, Alice Martin. Ms. Simpson, who gave the affidavit, is a
lifelong Republican and was a worker in the Riley campaign against
Siegelman, and her account has been contemporaneously corroborated.
While communicating with Siegelman's attorney prior to releasing her
affidavit, Simpson's house was demolished by a mysterious fire, and Simpson
herself was forced off the road. Mere coincidences, of course.
The judge at Siegelman's trial, Mark Fuller, a Bush appointee and a former
member of the executive committee of the Alabama Republican party, had a
well-known grudge against Siegelman. Fuller refused to recuse himself from
the case, denied bail, immediately put Siegelman in shackles and ordered him
to the Atlanta federal prison. After seven months Judge Fuller, in violation
of the law, has refused to release the trial transcript without which the
defendant can not appeal his conviction.
Don Siegelman has since been shuttled back and forth among several federal
prisons out of touch with his attorneys and not allowed access to the
internet or to press interviews. This treatment has prompted an
unprecedented demand by forty-four former state attorneys general for a
Congressional investigation of the Siegelman case.
The Purge in Progress
The Siegelman Saga puts a human face on a widespread politicization of the
U.S. Department of Justice. In a similar case in Wisconsin, Georgia
Thompson, a purchasing official in the state government, was convicted of
corruption in a case that worked to the advantage of a Republican candidate
for governor. The Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals was so shocked by the
injustice of her conviction that they ordered Thompson's immediate release,
even before issuing a ruling. The evidence against her, said Judge Diane
Wood, was "beyond thin."
The December, 2006, firings of eight Republican U.S. attorneys, who insisted
upon conducting their offices without partisan bias, has brought national
attention to the political corruption of the Justice Department and has
caused many to wonder about the behavior of the remaining eight-five U.S.
attorneys that Alberto Gonzales saw fit to retain. It is a troubling
question.
A study by Donald Shields and John Cragan [5], two professors of
communication, may supply an answer: "the offices of the U.S. Attorneys
across the nation investigate seven times as many Democratic officials as
they investigate Republican officials, a number that exceeds even the racial
profiling of African Americans in traffic stops." (The numbers: 298
Democrats, 67 Republicans, 10 "Others").
This apparent partisan purge of Democrats, combined with amnesty for
Republicans, hits close to home. It is reported that Carol Lam, one of the
eight sacked U.S. Attorneys, was hot on the trail of my Republican
Congressman, Jerry Lewis. I've heard nothing more about this investigation,
so it appears that Lewis is off the hook.
So now we have in place a thoroughgoing corruption of the federal justice
system. The blindfold has been torn off the face of lady justice, as the
Department of Justice becomes, in effect, an extension of the Republican
Party, and possession of a public office by a Democrat becomes a de facto
crime, should the hounds of the Department of Justice decide to go after
said official.
The Democratic Congress has been remarkably complacent about all this. True,
they have called a few young graduates from Pat Robertson's Regent U. Law
school to testify, they have heard from the fired U.S. attorneys, and the
Democrats have promised hearings on the Siegelman case. But its all show - a
bark without a bite - as the White House and the Department of Justice
steadfastly refuse to recognize subpoenas or allow the key players to
testify under oath. These offenses, by the way, were included among the
articles of impeachment against Richard Nixon.
Unsurprisingly, these outrages by the Department of Defense have not excited
much interest in the mainstream media, with the honorable exception of Keith
Olbermann and Dan Abrams of MSNBC. Abrams series, "Bush League Justice,"
which was broadcast last December, was magnificent, and he promised that
"we're not going to let this go away... We are going to be watching very
closely." Six weeks later, we are awaiting the follow-up. In addition, rumor
has it that 60 Minutes is preparing a segment on the Siegelman case.
Two Roads Diverge.
The fate of Don Siegelman may reflect the fate of our republic. We are at a
crucial crossroads, one road leads to a restoration of the rule of law, and
the other road leads to despotism.
If Don Siegelman's persecutors have their way and he serves out his term of
seven years, and if the culprits who stole his re-election and railroaded
him to federal lockup enjoy the fruits of their villainy and escape
punishment, then the rule of law is dead in Alabama and in critical
condition in Washington D.C. Then the gangrene of lawlessness in Alabama may
spread until it destroys the entire body politic.
I seem to recall a comment by some Bushie to the effect that "we're pushing
the limits until someone or something stops us." To date, those limits have
extended well beyond the Constitution and the rule of law. Acts of Congress
are nullified by signing statements, Congressional oversight is blinded by
"executive privilege" and a refusal to recognize subpoenas. Elections have
been privatized and are unverifiable. All that's left to the Congress to
contain this burgeoning power of "the unitary executive" is impeachment, and
impeachment, as we all know, is "off the table."
Someone, somehow, must draw a line in the sand and say "no further!" And
then, push back - and back -- and back.
"Just wait," we hear, "in less than a year there will be a new president and
a new day dawning." If so, then this new day will require a new leader with
qualities and capacities that are not conspicuous in any of the present-day
contenders for that office.
Perhaps the next President, once in office, will surprise us with inspired
leadership qualities not now apparent. It has happened before.
But the restoration of freedom never simply "trickles down" from great
leaders. It must also "percolate up" from the people. And I don't see much
reason for hope in the American public today. But extraordinary crises have
a way of summoning extraordinary virtues.
If, somehow, we follow the road to restoration of democracy and the rule of
law, we should see at the beginning of that journey the release and
exoneration of Don Siegelman, the disgrace and punishment of his tormenters,
and the end of political prosecution.
It will be a long and arduous road to follow. But it is the only road worthy
of our dedication and effort.
Copyright 2008 by Ernest Partridge
--
NOTICE: This post contains copyrighted material the use of which has not
always been authorized by the copyright owner. I am making such material
available to advance understanding of
political, human rights, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues. I
believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of such copyrighted material as
provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright
Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107
"A little patience and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their
spells dissolve, and the people recovering their true sight, restore their
government to its true principles. It is true that in the meantime we are
suffering deeply in spirit,
and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public
debt. But if the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have
patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of winning
back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are at
stake."
-Thomas Jefferson