K
Kickin' Ass and Takin' Names
Guest
Very long and detailed story of how the Bush junta is giving away your
tax money to some very shady clowns -- Republican clowns, of course.
http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2008/1/30/14540/4108/89/445367
Bush's terrorism tip progam unravels
by Deep Harm [Subscribe]
Wed Jan 30, 2008 at 11:05:40 AM PST
One of President Bush's counter-terrorism programs, ironically named
"Rewards for Justice," is unraveling, but the mainstream media are
'reporting' it like stenographers.
The festering scandal began with a secret January 24 State Department
ceremony, where a witness in the Zacarias Moussaoui case was awarded
$5 million for...well, we're not exactly sure what, yet; but, it must
have been quite a performance. According to a retired immigration
official interviewed by McClatchy Newspapers, the reward was
"obscene." None of the MSM seem aware that, on the same day, the
nonprofit organization abruptly closed its doors, allegedly because
its mission - helping to track down terrorists - was completed. And,
none have pointed out the unsavory history of U.S. government
'rewards' to witnesses, a practice that sometimes helps terrorists
roam free.
Deep Harm's diary :: ::
Already, several irregularities have surfaced in the award of $5
million to flight instructor Clarence Prevost, who testified on behalf
of government prosecutors at the trial of Moussaoui, the alleged "20th
hijacker." The decision to reward Prevost and not others, the eye-
popping amount of the reward, the basis of the reward, and the sudden
closure of the organization that funded it argue for an investigation.
As I wrote previously on this subject, the FBI failed to fully
investigate tips provided to it by two other individuals at the flight
school, and therefore lost an opportunity to possibly prevent the 9/11
attacks. Moussaoui's later trial was marred by prosecutorial
misconduct and government destruction of evidence, but he was
nevertheless convicted and sentenced to prison. Prevost's testimony
was helpful to the prosecution, but he did not originally tip off the
FBI, reportedly, as did the two others, who received no rewards
despite being recognized by Congress for their heroic efforts.
The insiders interviewed by McClatchy's Washington Bureau were
scathing in their comments on the reward.
[F]ormer immigration officials said they wonder whether the reward to
flight instructor Clarence Prevost was an attempt to deflect attention
from the FBI's bungling of an investigation that might have foiled the
Sept. 11 terror attacks. The government alleged that Moussaoui was in
flight training to become a suicide hijacker.
"It's just so obscene, beyond comprehension," said Charles Midby, who
supervised two Minnesota immigration agents involved in Moussaoui's
arrest on Aug. 16, 2001. "I can understand why the Muslims view us as
such a rotten and decadent society when we feel we have to give
something like that to an American do his basic responsibility."
Mark Cangemi, who retired in 2006 as a special agent in charge of the
U.S. Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement for Minnesota and
four other states, said he was told that even the FBI and ICE agents
who supported an award
for Prevost were taken aback by the amount.
Indeed, the reward is more than twice the amount paid out in the
program's "textbook example," the case of Ramzi Yousef, who was
convicted of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. In that case, an
unidentified individual contacted Diplomatic Security agents in
Pakistan and provided information on Yousef's location, per a December
13, 2001 briefing by David Carpenter, the Assistant Secretary of State
for Diplomatic Security, who stated, "Because this person potentially
placed himself at great risk in providing this information, we paid
him a reward of $2 million, the largest amount allowable at that
time."
Informing on terrorists in Pakistan surely represents the pinnacle of
risk taking. $10,000 is a more typical payment, according to Cangemi,
if the informant takes some risk. So, it's odd, to say the least,
that someone who apparently did not contact the FBI received a
financial bonanza while two people who risked their jobs to get
information about Moussaoui to the FBI received nothing at all.
Whose Decision Was It?
It's not entirely clear who authorized the reward (and, knowing
Washington, I suspect that's how it was meant to be). The Associated
Press offers two accounts.
State Department deputy spokesman Tom Casey told reporters Friday that
the Rewards for Justice program is based on nominations, and the
recipient would have been nominated by a U.S. law enforcement agency.
He said he didn't know if others were nominated for this award.
Associated Press
The recipient, Clarence Prevost, was honored Thursday at a closed-door
ceremony at the State Department, although the payout was secretly
authorized last fall by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and the
Justice Department, U.S. officials told Associated Press.
On paper, the process for deciding who gets an award, and how much, is
pretty complex, according to the program's website.
The Director of the Diplomatic Security Service, or his/her designee,
chairs an interagency committee which reviews reward candidates and
then recommends rewards to the Secretary of State. This committee
serves as the forum for discussion of many aspects of the program. The
Interagency Rewards Committee, depending upon the incident under
review, is comprised of representatives from the White House National
Security Council staff, Central Intelligence Agency, Department of
Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Department of Defense,
Department of Homeland Security, Department of Treasury, Department of
State, and others as appropriate.
The Reward for Justice program's says its legal authority was
"established by the 1984 Act to Combat International Terrorism, Public
Law 98-533," described below.
With respect to acts of terrorism primarily within the territorial
jurisdiction of the United States, the attorney general may reward any
individual who furnishes information--
leading to the arrest or conviction, in any country, of any individual
or individuals for the commission of an act of terrorism against a
U.S. person or U.S. property;
leading to the arrest or conviction, in any country, of any individual
or individuals for conspiring or attempting to commit an act of
terrorism against a U.S. person or property; or
leading to the prevention, frustration, or favorable resolution of an
act of terrorism against a U.S. person or property.
(FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, April, 2002)
In "Hunting terrorists using confidential informant reward
programs" (2002), author Douglas A. Kash clarifies for us the
authorities involved.
When he sent the bill to Congress in April 1984, President
Reagan...stated that the payment for rewards in connection with
domestic acts of terrorism was appropriately designated to the
attorney general, while acts of terrorism outside of the territorial
United States raised political and foreign relations issues within the
jurisdiction of the secretary of state.
Thus, it appears that the reward for the Moussaoui tipster(s), if
handled appropriately, would have been authorized by the attorney
general, despite the ceremony being held at the Department of State.
But, which attorney general or acting attorney general would that have
been?
Newspaper accounts tell us that the reward was authorized "last fall."
Could that have been just before Alberto Gonzales left on September
17? Or did it occur later? Absent a Congressional investigation, it
appears we will never find out because, Kash informs us, "no court has
the power or jurisdiction to review the reward."
Here One Day, Gone the Next
A noteworthy irregularity that has not been mentioned in the
mainstream press is the abrupt closure of the Rewards for Justice
Fund, a nonprofit organization that solicits donations and provides
them to the State Department reward program for distribution. On
January 24, the date Prevost received his $5 million reward, the
Fund's administrators issued a press release that states, in part:
With the payment of a five million dollar reward by the federal
government's Rewards for Justice Program --- an award consisting in
part of funds donated to the Program by the Rewards for Justice Fund
-- the non-profit organization's founders declared its work complete
and announced the Fund's closure.
But, the work is far from "complete." The State Department's website
is still offering rewards for 35 alleged terrorists who are still
"Wanted." The Fund's press release describes a six-state program,
created to increase its funding, but now in limbo as a result of the
abrupt shutdown.
When the Rewards for Justice Fund was first created, it raised
donations from generous Americans who shared its desire to help
America's anti-terrorist agents prevent terrorist acts and bring wrong-
doers to justice. In the months following its launch, however, the
Fund shifted its fundraising focus by working with state legislatures
to enact legislation authorizing the creation of new, "United We
Stand" specialty license plates. (press release)
The specialty license plates, which collected an additional fee, paid
to the Rewards for Justice Fund, were sold by six states (Florida, New
Jersey, Massachusetts, South Carolina, Virginia and Connecticut). But,
a day after the Fund's shutdown, the plates were still being
advertised.
Although the Fund will no longer be active, it is expected that some
or all of the states currently offering "United We Stand" license
plates may continue to do so. Disposition of specialty license plate
fees that would have previously gone to the Rewards for Justice Fund
will be up to each state's department of motor vehicles. Some may
continue to donate funds to the Rewards for Justice Program. Others
may use those earnings to help fund airport security programs, offset
other expenses associated with terrorist protection or fund other
operations. (press release)
It certainly seems that state officials, as well as the public, were
left in the dark until the Fund had shut its doors. Its abrupt
closure and the large amounts of money it handled argue for an
independent investigation into activites of the Rewards for Justice
Fund. We might then learn why some contributors were promised
anonymity as other contributors were urged to buy license plates
boldly acknowledging their contributions.
Here's how the Rewards for Justice Fund works: Americans can log onto
www.RewardsFund.org to make an online contribution to the Rewards for
Justice Fund. Americans can also call 1-877-392-7373, or can send a
check in the mail. Donations are tax-deductible, anonymous and secure.
The Rewards for Justice Fund guarantees that no personal information
will ever be given, sold or rented to any other individual, company or
organization. Fund website
Connections
State officials may have been left in the dark about the Funds's
demise, but top Bush administration officials obviously knew what was
in the works.
Rutledge, 53, and Case, 37, are both Connecticut residents who are
active in various charitable and private sector undertakings. They,
along with the Fund's executive director, Art Shulman, were honored by
the Rewards for Justice Program at a Department of State ceremony held
in Washington, D.C. on January 24th. (Fund press release)
Perhaps the State Department was in the loop because Case and Rutledge
provided a lot of support to the government agency.
In addition to launching the Fund, the two have also lent their
Internet and marketing expertise to the State Department. The two were
instrumental in redesigning the official Rewards for Justice Program
Web site () and coordinating a new toll-free number (1-800-
U.S.REWARDS), both of which allow Americans to provide critical leads
and make donations. Case and Rutledge have also created compelling
Internet ads and other media that rally Americans to take action in
the war against terrorism.
I wonder if Fund supporters like Senator Caesar Trunzo (R-3rd Distict,
NY), Colin Powell and Dan Glickman were informed of the Fund's
imminent demise. Glickman, by the way, was Secretary of the Department
of Agriculture when several high officials (and allegedly Glickman,
himself) participated in retaliations that followed my own contact
with the FBI, when I pointed out that USDA was under-prepared for
terrorist attacks.
Then, there's generous, patriotic Neustar, a company that offered to
donate $1 for every .us internet address registered in the month of
September, 2002. As for what kind of work they do, I'll let TPM
Muckraker explain.
[T]he government now makes so many requests for wiretaps, phone
records and call information that an industry has sprung up to handle
the load.
Rather than respond themselves to requests from the FBI and others, a
telco can sign up with one of these companies, give them access to
their call records and equipment, and let that third party do all the
hard work.
What are the benefits? One company, NeuStar, doesn't beat around the
bush. In a pitch to service providers, it bills itself as a
"scapegoat" for hire, presumably allowing phone companies to deny
responsibility for or involvement in turning over their records to the
government.
Letting Terrorists Roam Free
An article in yesterday's Canada Free Press points out that rewards,
no matter how large, are pretty ineffective in bringing terrorist
suspects to justice.
"The U.S. Department of Justice, even after posting rewards, setting
up hotlines, and issuing BOLOs ("Be-on-the-Lookout" alerts) has failed
to issue criminal warrants for their arrest. This means that the
bounty hunters would have to leave Adnan and his friends strapped to
lawn chairs, since members of state and local police departments
remain without authorization to detain or question them, let alone
take them into custody."
(Of course, that assumes that justice is the government's goal.)
The State Department's Rewards for Justice program website includes a
curious request for tips related to those responsible for the 1988
bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. It doesn't
explain why it's still looking for suspects. After all, Abdel Baset
Ali Mohamed al-Megrahi was sentenced to 27 years in prison after
witnesses were offered money by the U.S. government to provide
testimony needed for conviction.
A WITNESS in the Lockerbie case has claimed he was offered $4 million
(
tax money to some very shady clowns -- Republican clowns, of course.
http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2008/1/30/14540/4108/89/445367
Bush's terrorism tip progam unravels
by Deep Harm [Subscribe]
Wed Jan 30, 2008 at 11:05:40 AM PST
One of President Bush's counter-terrorism programs, ironically named
"Rewards for Justice," is unraveling, but the mainstream media are
'reporting' it like stenographers.
The festering scandal began with a secret January 24 State Department
ceremony, where a witness in the Zacarias Moussaoui case was awarded
$5 million for...well, we're not exactly sure what, yet; but, it must
have been quite a performance. According to a retired immigration
official interviewed by McClatchy Newspapers, the reward was
"obscene." None of the MSM seem aware that, on the same day, the
nonprofit organization abruptly closed its doors, allegedly because
its mission - helping to track down terrorists - was completed. And,
none have pointed out the unsavory history of U.S. government
'rewards' to witnesses, a practice that sometimes helps terrorists
roam free.
Deep Harm's diary :: ::
Already, several irregularities have surfaced in the award of $5
million to flight instructor Clarence Prevost, who testified on behalf
of government prosecutors at the trial of Moussaoui, the alleged "20th
hijacker." The decision to reward Prevost and not others, the eye-
popping amount of the reward, the basis of the reward, and the sudden
closure of the organization that funded it argue for an investigation.
As I wrote previously on this subject, the FBI failed to fully
investigate tips provided to it by two other individuals at the flight
school, and therefore lost an opportunity to possibly prevent the 9/11
attacks. Moussaoui's later trial was marred by prosecutorial
misconduct and government destruction of evidence, but he was
nevertheless convicted and sentenced to prison. Prevost's testimony
was helpful to the prosecution, but he did not originally tip off the
FBI, reportedly, as did the two others, who received no rewards
despite being recognized by Congress for their heroic efforts.
The insiders interviewed by McClatchy's Washington Bureau were
scathing in their comments on the reward.
[F]ormer immigration officials said they wonder whether the reward to
flight instructor Clarence Prevost was an attempt to deflect attention
from the FBI's bungling of an investigation that might have foiled the
Sept. 11 terror attacks. The government alleged that Moussaoui was in
flight training to become a suicide hijacker.
"It's just so obscene, beyond comprehension," said Charles Midby, who
supervised two Minnesota immigration agents involved in Moussaoui's
arrest on Aug. 16, 2001. "I can understand why the Muslims view us as
such a rotten and decadent society when we feel we have to give
something like that to an American do his basic responsibility."
Mark Cangemi, who retired in 2006 as a special agent in charge of the
U.S. Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement for Minnesota and
four other states, said he was told that even the FBI and ICE agents
who supported an award
for Prevost were taken aback by the amount.
Indeed, the reward is more than twice the amount paid out in the
program's "textbook example," the case of Ramzi Yousef, who was
convicted of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. In that case, an
unidentified individual contacted Diplomatic Security agents in
Pakistan and provided information on Yousef's location, per a December
13, 2001 briefing by David Carpenter, the Assistant Secretary of State
for Diplomatic Security, who stated, "Because this person potentially
placed himself at great risk in providing this information, we paid
him a reward of $2 million, the largest amount allowable at that
time."
Informing on terrorists in Pakistan surely represents the pinnacle of
risk taking. $10,000 is a more typical payment, according to Cangemi,
if the informant takes some risk. So, it's odd, to say the least,
that someone who apparently did not contact the FBI received a
financial bonanza while two people who risked their jobs to get
information about Moussaoui to the FBI received nothing at all.
Whose Decision Was It?
It's not entirely clear who authorized the reward (and, knowing
Washington, I suspect that's how it was meant to be). The Associated
Press offers two accounts.
State Department deputy spokesman Tom Casey told reporters Friday that
the Rewards for Justice program is based on nominations, and the
recipient would have been nominated by a U.S. law enforcement agency.
He said he didn't know if others were nominated for this award.
Associated Press
The recipient, Clarence Prevost, was honored Thursday at a closed-door
ceremony at the State Department, although the payout was secretly
authorized last fall by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and the
Justice Department, U.S. officials told Associated Press.
On paper, the process for deciding who gets an award, and how much, is
pretty complex, according to the program's website.
The Director of the Diplomatic Security Service, or his/her designee,
chairs an interagency committee which reviews reward candidates and
then recommends rewards to the Secretary of State. This committee
serves as the forum for discussion of many aspects of the program. The
Interagency Rewards Committee, depending upon the incident under
review, is comprised of representatives from the White House National
Security Council staff, Central Intelligence Agency, Department of
Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Department of Defense,
Department of Homeland Security, Department of Treasury, Department of
State, and others as appropriate.
The Reward for Justice program's says its legal authority was
"established by the 1984 Act to Combat International Terrorism, Public
Law 98-533," described below.
With respect to acts of terrorism primarily within the territorial
jurisdiction of the United States, the attorney general may reward any
individual who furnishes information--
leading to the arrest or conviction, in any country, of any individual
or individuals for the commission of an act of terrorism against a
U.S. person or U.S. property;
leading to the arrest or conviction, in any country, of any individual
or individuals for conspiring or attempting to commit an act of
terrorism against a U.S. person or property; or
leading to the prevention, frustration, or favorable resolution of an
act of terrorism against a U.S. person or property.
(FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, April, 2002)
In "Hunting terrorists using confidential informant reward
programs" (2002), author Douglas A. Kash clarifies for us the
authorities involved.
When he sent the bill to Congress in April 1984, President
Reagan...stated that the payment for rewards in connection with
domestic acts of terrorism was appropriately designated to the
attorney general, while acts of terrorism outside of the territorial
United States raised political and foreign relations issues within the
jurisdiction of the secretary of state.
Thus, it appears that the reward for the Moussaoui tipster(s), if
handled appropriately, would have been authorized by the attorney
general, despite the ceremony being held at the Department of State.
But, which attorney general or acting attorney general would that have
been?
Newspaper accounts tell us that the reward was authorized "last fall."
Could that have been just before Alberto Gonzales left on September
17? Or did it occur later? Absent a Congressional investigation, it
appears we will never find out because, Kash informs us, "no court has
the power or jurisdiction to review the reward."
Here One Day, Gone the Next
A noteworthy irregularity that has not been mentioned in the
mainstream press is the abrupt closure of the Rewards for Justice
Fund, a nonprofit organization that solicits donations and provides
them to the State Department reward program for distribution. On
January 24, the date Prevost received his $5 million reward, the
Fund's administrators issued a press release that states, in part:
With the payment of a five million dollar reward by the federal
government's Rewards for Justice Program --- an award consisting in
part of funds donated to the Program by the Rewards for Justice Fund
-- the non-profit organization's founders declared its work complete
and announced the Fund's closure.
But, the work is far from "complete." The State Department's website
is still offering rewards for 35 alleged terrorists who are still
"Wanted." The Fund's press release describes a six-state program,
created to increase its funding, but now in limbo as a result of the
abrupt shutdown.
When the Rewards for Justice Fund was first created, it raised
donations from generous Americans who shared its desire to help
America's anti-terrorist agents prevent terrorist acts and bring wrong-
doers to justice. In the months following its launch, however, the
Fund shifted its fundraising focus by working with state legislatures
to enact legislation authorizing the creation of new, "United We
Stand" specialty license plates. (press release)
The specialty license plates, which collected an additional fee, paid
to the Rewards for Justice Fund, were sold by six states (Florida, New
Jersey, Massachusetts, South Carolina, Virginia and Connecticut). But,
a day after the Fund's shutdown, the plates were still being
advertised.
Although the Fund will no longer be active, it is expected that some
or all of the states currently offering "United We Stand" license
plates may continue to do so. Disposition of specialty license plate
fees that would have previously gone to the Rewards for Justice Fund
will be up to each state's department of motor vehicles. Some may
continue to donate funds to the Rewards for Justice Program. Others
may use those earnings to help fund airport security programs, offset
other expenses associated with terrorist protection or fund other
operations. (press release)
It certainly seems that state officials, as well as the public, were
left in the dark until the Fund had shut its doors. Its abrupt
closure and the large amounts of money it handled argue for an
independent investigation into activites of the Rewards for Justice
Fund. We might then learn why some contributors were promised
anonymity as other contributors were urged to buy license plates
boldly acknowledging their contributions.
Here's how the Rewards for Justice Fund works: Americans can log onto
www.RewardsFund.org to make an online contribution to the Rewards for
Justice Fund. Americans can also call 1-877-392-7373, or can send a
check in the mail. Donations are tax-deductible, anonymous and secure.
The Rewards for Justice Fund guarantees that no personal information
will ever be given, sold or rented to any other individual, company or
organization. Fund website
Connections
State officials may have been left in the dark about the Funds's
demise, but top Bush administration officials obviously knew what was
in the works.
Rutledge, 53, and Case, 37, are both Connecticut residents who are
active in various charitable and private sector undertakings. They,
along with the Fund's executive director, Art Shulman, were honored by
the Rewards for Justice Program at a Department of State ceremony held
in Washington, D.C. on January 24th. (Fund press release)
Perhaps the State Department was in the loop because Case and Rutledge
provided a lot of support to the government agency.
In addition to launching the Fund, the two have also lent their
Internet and marketing expertise to the State Department. The two were
instrumental in redesigning the official Rewards for Justice Program
Web site () and coordinating a new toll-free number (1-800-
U.S.REWARDS), both of which allow Americans to provide critical leads
and make donations. Case and Rutledge have also created compelling
Internet ads and other media that rally Americans to take action in
the war against terrorism.
I wonder if Fund supporters like Senator Caesar Trunzo (R-3rd Distict,
NY), Colin Powell and Dan Glickman were informed of the Fund's
imminent demise. Glickman, by the way, was Secretary of the Department
of Agriculture when several high officials (and allegedly Glickman,
himself) participated in retaliations that followed my own contact
with the FBI, when I pointed out that USDA was under-prepared for
terrorist attacks.
Then, there's generous, patriotic Neustar, a company that offered to
donate $1 for every .us internet address registered in the month of
September, 2002. As for what kind of work they do, I'll let TPM
Muckraker explain.
[T]he government now makes so many requests for wiretaps, phone
records and call information that an industry has sprung up to handle
the load.
Rather than respond themselves to requests from the FBI and others, a
telco can sign up with one of these companies, give them access to
their call records and equipment, and let that third party do all the
hard work.
What are the benefits? One company, NeuStar, doesn't beat around the
bush. In a pitch to service providers, it bills itself as a
"scapegoat" for hire, presumably allowing phone companies to deny
responsibility for or involvement in turning over their records to the
government.
Letting Terrorists Roam Free
An article in yesterday's Canada Free Press points out that rewards,
no matter how large, are pretty ineffective in bringing terrorist
suspects to justice.
"The U.S. Department of Justice, even after posting rewards, setting
up hotlines, and issuing BOLOs ("Be-on-the-Lookout" alerts) has failed
to issue criminal warrants for their arrest. This means that the
bounty hunters would have to leave Adnan and his friends strapped to
lawn chairs, since members of state and local police departments
remain without authorization to detain or question them, let alone
take them into custody."
(Of course, that assumes that justice is the government's goal.)
The State Department's Rewards for Justice program website includes a
curious request for tips related to those responsible for the 1988
bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. It doesn't
explain why it's still looking for suspects. After all, Abdel Baset
Ali Mohamed al-Megrahi was sentenced to 27 years in prison after
witnesses were offered money by the U.S. government to provide
testimony needed for conviction.
A WITNESS in the Lockerbie case has claimed he was offered $4 million
(
