Why Do BLACKS Seem "Programmed" To Kill One Another?

D

Dr. Megele

Guest
In Kenya, we're learning of "friends" and next door neighbors
murdering one another due, we're told, over ethnic and tribal
animosities stemming from the recent "elections."

But such intra-racial murders are endemic to most of Africa, where in
1994 nearly a MILLION negroes were mudered in Rwanda for being in the
"wrong" ethnic group.

And in the United States, the availability of guns -- even among
children -- have made it easy for urban blacks of all ages to kill
each other over drug deals, "disrespect," girl- and boyfriend
jealousies, random drive-by "fun," or just everyday robberies grounded
in material envy.

"Gimme da coat or you be dead!"

It seems that blacks, wherever they may be, have far less respect and
care for human life than whites or yellow people, although exceptions
to this "rule" certainly exist.

But in troubled places like Kenya, as in most all African "nations,"
seemingly petty-but-ancient tribal and ethnic rivalries have without
doubt hindered economic development and paths toward democracy and
peace that are necessary for competing in 21st century commerce and
achieving financial viability.

Does anyone see an end to this harmful status quo?

Can anyone posit reasons for this tragic state of affairs?

----------
"Odinga Rejects Talks With Kenyan Leader"

"Opposition Excluded in Cabinet Choices"

By Katharine Houreld
Associated Press
Wednesday, January 9, 2008; A12


ELDORET, Kenya, Jan. 8 -- Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga
rejected a presidential invitation for talks, calling the offer
"public relations gimmickry" that would undermine international
attempts to end a violent election standoff in which more than 500
people have died.

President Mwai Kibaki, undeterred by accusations that he stole the
vote, named half of his cabinet without including any members of
Odinga's party.

Diplomatic efforts intensified to end the violence, which has often
pitted Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe, long dominant in Kenya's politics and
economy, against other ethnic groups.

Barack Obama, whose late father was Kenyan, spoke with Odinga for
about five minutes from New Hampshire, asking the opposition leader to
meet directly with Kibaki, according to a spokesman for the Illinois
senator and Democratic presidential candidate.

"He urged an end to violence and that Mr. Odinga sit down, without
preconditions, with President Kibaki to resolve this issue
peacefully," said the spokesman, Bill Burton.

Odinga told the BBC that Obama's father was his maternal uncle and
that Obama called him twice "in the midst of his campaigning . . . to
express his concern and to say that he is also going to call President
Kibaki so that Kibaki agrees to find a negotiated, satisfactory
solution to this problem."

Obama's campaign, however, said that the candidate called Odinga only
once and that he was unaware the two were related except by tribal
affiliation.

In Washington, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the
chief U.S. envoy for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, would stay in Kenya for
as long as she feels she can play a useful role. The United States, he
said, has encouraged both sides to talk.

President Bush issued a statement Tuesday welcoming African Union
efforts to mediate and urging Kibaki and Odinga "to enter this
dialogue in good faith to earn back the trust of the Kenyan people."
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown offered a similar plea from
London.

One proposed solution has been for Kibaki and Odinga to share power,
but in announcing half of his cabinet, including a vice president,
Kibaki gave no positions to Odinga's party.

Odinga's party won 95 parliament seats and Kibaki's party 43 in
elections held the same day as the presidential vote, making it
difficult for Kibaki to govern without making some overture to Odinga.

Cornelius Korir, the Catholic bishop of the town where dozens died
when a mob torched a church filled with refugees from ethnic violence,
said Tuesday that the attacks against members of Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe
appeared planned.

The town of Eldoret and surrounding areas have experienced an exodus
of Kikuyus since.

"The way the attacks were managed seems to me very organized," Korir
said as Frazer, the U.S. envoy, toured the region. "No, it did not
seem spontaneous to me. . . . It seems it was well planned." He did
not elaborate.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008?01/08/AR2008010804140.html
 
> Can anyone posit reasons for this tragic state of affairs?

Law of the gun. American West was no different
... esp in treatment of Indians ( who kind of asked
for it ). Only thing that prevents such is when Law
Enforcement is established in a nation, and they
carry even bigger guns.

johns
 
>Fecal colored critters are inherently savage. It's in their genes.
>In Kenya, we're learning of "friends" and next door neighbors
>murdering one another due, we're told, over ethnic and tribal
>animosities stemming from the recent "elections."
>
>But such intra-racial murders are endemic to most of Africa, where in
>1994 nearly a MILLION negroes were mudered in Rwanda for being in the
>"wrong" ethnic group.
>
>And in the United States, the availability of guns -- even among
>children -- have made it easy for urban blacks of all ages to kill
>each other over drug deals, "disrespect," girl- and boyfriend
>jealousies, random drive-by "fun," or just everyday robberies grounded
>in material envy.
>
>"Gimme da coat or you be dead!"
>
>It seems that blacks, wherever they may be, have far less respect and
>care for human life than whites or yellow people, although exceptions
>to this "rule" certainly exist.
>
>But in troubled places like Kenya, as in most all African "nations,"
>seemingly petty-but-ancient tribal and ethnic rivalries have without
>doubt hindered economic development and paths toward democracy and
>peace that are necessary for competing in 21st century commerce and
>achieving financial viability.
>
>Does anyone see an end to this harmful status quo?
>
>Can anyone posit reasons for this tragic state of affairs?
>
>----------
>"Odinga Rejects Talks With Kenyan Leader"
>
>"Opposition Excluded in Cabinet Choices"
>
>By Katharine Houreld
>Associated Press
>Wednesday, January 9, 2008; A12
>
>
>ELDORET, Kenya, Jan. 8 -- Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga
>rejected a presidential invitation for talks, calling the offer
>"public relations gimmickry" that would undermine international
>attempts to end a violent election standoff in which more than 500
>people have died.
>
>President Mwai Kibaki, undeterred by accusations that he stole the
>vote, named half of his cabinet without including any members of
>Odinga's party.
>
>Diplomatic efforts intensified to end the violence, which has often
>pitted Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe, long dominant in Kenya's politics and
>economy, against other ethnic groups.
>
>Barack Obama, whose late father was Kenyan, spoke with Odinga for
>about five minutes from New Hampshire, asking the opposition leader to
>meet directly with Kibaki, according to a spokesman for the Illinois
>senator and Democratic presidential candidate.
>
>"He urged an end to violence and that Mr. Odinga sit down, without
>preconditions, with President Kibaki to resolve this issue
>peacefully," said the spokesman, Bill Burton.
>
>Odinga told the BBC that Obama's father was his maternal uncle and
>that Obama called him twice "in the midst of his campaigning . . . to
>express his concern and to say that he is also going to call President
>Kibaki so that Kibaki agrees to find a negotiated, satisfactory
>solution to this problem."
>
>Obama's campaign, however, said that the candidate called Odinga only
>once and that he was unaware the two were related except by tribal
>affiliation.
>
>In Washington, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said the
>chief U.S. envoy for Africa, Jendayi Frazer, would stay in Kenya for
>as long as she feels she can play a useful role. The United States, he
>said, has encouraged both sides to talk.
>
>President Bush issued a statement Tuesday welcoming African Union
>efforts to mediate and urging Kibaki and Odinga "to enter this
>dialogue in good faith to earn back the trust of the Kenyan people."
>British Prime Minister Gordon Brown offered a similar plea from
>London.
>
>One proposed solution has been for Kibaki and Odinga to share power,
>but in announcing half of his cabinet, including a vice president,
>Kibaki gave no positions to Odinga's party.
>
>Odinga's party won 95 parliament seats and Kibaki's party 43 in
>elections held the same day as the presidential vote, making it
>difficult for Kibaki to govern without making some overture to Odinga.
>
>Cornelius Korir, the Catholic bishop of the town where dozens died
>when a mob torched a church filled with refugees from ethnic violence,
>said Tuesday that the attacks against members of Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe
>appeared planned.
>
>The town of Eldoret and surrounding areas have experienced an exodus
>of Kikuyus since.
>
>"The way the attacks were managed seems to me very organized," Korir
>said as Frazer, the U.S. envoy, toured the region. "No, it did not
>seem spontaneous to me. . . . It seems it was well planned." He did
>not elaborate.
>
>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008?01/08/AR2008010804140.html
 
"The Killing Continues in Kenyna"

----
"Opposition Legislator Slain In Kenya, Sparking Clashes"

By Stephanie McCrummen
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, January 30, 2008; A01



NAIROBI, Jan. 29 -- Just hours after an opposition lawmaker was gunned
down in his driveway here, the fury that has swept over this country
since last month's disputed presidential election arrived in his
middle-class neighborhood.

The repercussions from the killing Tuesday morning of Mugabe Were,
cast by opposition supporters as the first political assassination of
Kenya's month-old post-election crisis, began in front of his house on
a street of squared hedges and high gates. Mourners gathered there by
the hundreds until police arrived and fired tear gas. The scene turned
into an angry, tire-burning demonstration.

The anger spread quickly to a vast slum a few blocks away, where Evans
Silingi, a shop owner from the Luo tribe of opposition leader Raila
Odinga, soon picked up a heavy gray rock. "They have just killed the
MP of Embakasi!" he shouted, referring to the district that elected
Were last month. In the near distance stood several hundred machete-
waving young men from President Mwai Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe.

News of Were's death spread by radio, TV and text message, fanning
rage across the western towns of Naivasha and Eldoret. And in Kisumu,
farther west, thousands of opposition supporters barricaded roads with
bonfires, stopped buses and stoned a man to death.

"You started by killing us and now you're killing our leaders!" many
demonstrators chanted in their mother tongue, according to a local
reporter.

After weeks of violence by groups of anonymous young men, Were's death
provided individual evidence of how volatile this once-stable East
African nation has become since the Dec. 27 election. The opposition
has accused Kibaki, the incumbent, of stealing the election.
International observers found serious flaws in the vote tally.

Now Kenya's decades-old struggles over land, economic resources and
political power are playing out as the election crisis appears to be
worsening by the day. Kenya is a nation of 37 million people that,
since its independence from British colonial rule in 1963, has had
ethnic clashes before. But these are among the most severe.

With a cycle of revenge killings, the death toll has surpassed 850.
More than 250,000 people have fled ethnically mixed areas in the west,
turning Kenya into what increasingly appears to be a tribally
segregated nation.

Even with former U.N. secretary general Kofi Annan in Nairobi to
mediate between Kibaki and Odinga, many Kenyans say their country is
just a spark away from blazing out of control.

For a while Tuesday, it appeared that the killing of Were, a 38-year-
old lawmaker from Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement, might provide
it.

Were was shot once in the head and once in the chest as he was pulling
into his driveway, his security guard said. Police are investigating
whether it was a robbery, but his supporters immediately called his
death a political assassination.

Were was a hero in his district, a mostly poor neighborhood of dirt
paths and corrugated-metal homes where he funded an orphanage and paid
children's school fees. As a successful candidate for parliament, Were
also embodied the hopes Odinga's followers had to win political power.

A Nairobi councilman for years, Were became the first non-Kikuyu
elected to parliament from his district. His backers said he stood up
to local corruption. And with a Kikuyu wife and parents of mixed
ethnicity, he did not tolerate the tribalism now poisoning Kenyan
society, they said.

"It's painful," said Odongo Ochieng, who was outside Were's home with
dozens of others. "This is the method of killing democracy in Kenya."

From the perspective of many Odinga supporters, the post-colonial
history of Kenyan politics is one of domination by the Kikuyu and the
marginalization of would-be leaders from the Luo and the dozens of
other ethnic groups in the country.

Ochieng and other opposition supporters instantly added Were's name to
the list of Luo politicians slain in recent decades, most notably Tom
Mboya. Luos blame his killing in 1969 on the Kikuyu government of
Kenya's first president.

Outside Were's house, mourners waved his photo, celebrating him as a
national martyr. In the opposition stronghold of Kisumu, where Were
was born, they yelled his name like a rallying cry.

"There were text messages going around that he had been slain and it
was just spontaneous -- people came out and the crowds grew bigger and
bigger," said Alan Okomba, a journalist in Kisumu, about 200 miles
west of Nairobi. "They were counting their leaders who'd been slain --
like Tom Mboya, and they were counting Were, too."

By early afternoon, the scene in one of Nairobi's most volatile slums
resembled a battleground. Odinga supporters massed in one area with
machetes, iron bars and rocks, and across an invisible divide,
Kibaki's Kikuyu supporters provided a mirror image.

"If they kill one of ours," vowed Evans Silingi, the shopkeeper, "four
Kikuyus will die."

A few moments later, police positioned on the Kikuyu side fired
several shots into the air, sending Silingi and other opposition
demonstrators running through the maze of dirt paths.

About an hour away in the tourist town of Naivasha, military
helicopters swooped down and fired bullets on a crowd of thousands of
Kikuyus threatening to attack a smaller group of Luos who had fled to
the grounds of the Naivasha Country Club, the Associated Press
reported. The gangs then ransacked the town, smashing and looting
shops as police seemed to lose control.

But tensions relaxed later in the day as people who had earlier run
for their lives, hurled rocks and hidden in houses gathered around
radios and TVs to hear if Annan's mediation had produced any results.

At a news conference here, Annan said the two sides had agreed on a
plan for talks that would seek to address the immediate political
crisis within four weeks and the broader land and economic issues
within a year.

"Death and despair are everywhere," Odinga said at the news
conference. "The very foundation of the state is crumbling. Violence
is spiraling out of control. . . . Yet we ourselves here resolve to
act quickly to save our nation. If we don't, there might be no nation
to save."

In a rare public address, Kibaki expressed "distress" at the news of
Were's death, calling him "a gallant son of our nation." He added, "As
leaders, we have a responsibility to preach peace."

The words filtered through a radio and into a crowd still gathered
outside Were's house in the cool Nairobi evening.

Among the group of friends and supporters stood Were's father, Tony
Were Amina, who said his firstborn son was "a quiet and intelligent
boy."

"He was a peaceful person," he said, struggling to maintain his
composure. "He hated violence."


http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/29/AR2008012900527.html
 
"The Killing Continues in Kenya"

-----
"Opposition Legislator Slain In Kenya, Sparking Clashes"


By Stephanie McCrummen
Washington Post Foreign Service
Wednesday, January 30, 2008; A01


NAIROBI, Jan. 29 -- Just hours after an opposition lawmaker was
gunned
down in his driveway here, the fury that has swept over this country
since last month's disputed presidential election arrived in his
middle-class neighborhood.

The repercussions from the killing Tuesday morning of Mugabe Were,
cast by opposition supporters as the first political assassination of
Kenya's month-old post-election crisis, began in front of his house
on
a street of squared hedges and high gates. Mourners gathered there by
the hundreds until police arrived and fired tear gas. The scene
turned
into an angry, tire-burning demonstration.

The anger spread quickly to a vast slum a few blocks away, where
Evans
Silingi, a shop owner from the Luo tribe of opposition leader Raila
Odinga, soon picked up a heavy gray rock. "They have just killed the
MP of Embakasi!" he shouted, referring to the district that elected
Were last month. In the near distance stood several hundred machete-
waving young men from President Mwai Kibaki's Kikuyu tribe.

News of Were's death spread by radio, TV and text message, fanning
rage across the western towns of Naivasha and Eldoret. And in Kisumu,
farther west, thousands of opposition supporters barricaded roads
with
bonfires, stopped buses and stoned a man to death.

"You started by killing us and now you're killing our leaders!" many
demonstrators chanted in their mother tongue, according to a local
reporter.

After weeks of violence by groups of anonymous young men, Were's
death
provided individual evidence of how volatile this once-stable East
African nation has become since the Dec. 27 election. The opposition
has accused Kibaki, the incumbent, of stealing the election.
International observers found serious flaws in the vote tally.

Now Kenya's decades-old struggles over land, economic resources and
political power are playing out as the election crisis appears to be
worsening by the day. Kenya is a nation of 37 million people that,
since its independence from British colonial rule in 1963, has had
ethnic clashes before. But these are among the most severe.

With a cycle of revenge killings, the death toll has surpassed 850.
More than 250,000 people have fled ethnically mixed areas in the
west,
turning Kenya into what increasingly appears to be a tribally
segregated nation.

Even with former U.N. secretary general Kofi Annan in Nairobi to
mediate between Kibaki and Odinga, many Kenyans say their country is
just a spark away from blazing out of control.

For a while Tuesday, it appeared that the killing of Were, a 38-year-
old lawmaker from Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement, might provide
it.

Were was shot once in the head and once in the chest as he was
pulling
into his driveway, his security guard said. Police are investigating
whether it was a robbery, but his supporters immediately called his
death a political assassination.

Were was a hero in his district, a mostly poor neighborhood of dirt
paths and corrugated-metal homes where he funded an orphanage and
paid
children's school fees. As a successful candidate for parliament,
Were
also embodied the hopes Odinga's followers had to win political
power.

A Nairobi councilman for years, Were became the first non-Kikuyu
elected to parliament from his district. His backers said he stood up
to local corruption. And with a Kikuyu wife and parents of mixed
ethnicity, he did not tolerate the tribalism now poisoning Kenyan
society, they said.

"It's painful," said Odongo Ochieng, who was outside Were's home with
dozens of others. "This is the method of killing democracy in Kenya."

From the perspective of many Odinga supporters, the post-colonial
history of Kenyan politics is one of domination by the Kikuyu and the
marginalization of would-be leaders from the Luo and the dozens of
other ethnic groups in the country.

Ochieng and other opposition supporters instantly added Were's name
to
the list of Luo politicians slain in recent decades, most notably Tom
Mboya. Luos blame his killing in 1969 on the Kikuyu government of
Kenya's first president.

Outside Were's house, mourners waved his photo, celebrating him as a
national martyr. In the opposition stronghold of Kisumu, where Were
was born, they yelled his name like a rallying cry.

"There were text messages going around that he had been slain and it
was just spontaneous -- people came out and the crowds grew bigger
and
bigger," said Alan Okomba, a journalist in Kisumu, about 200 miles
west of Nairobi. "They were counting their leaders who'd been slain
--
like Tom Mboya, and they were counting Were, too."

By early afternoon, the scene in one of Nairobi's most volatile slums
resembled a battleground. Odinga supporters massed in one area with
machetes, iron bars and rocks, and across an invisible divide,
Kibaki's Kikuyu supporters provided a mirror image.

"If they kill one of ours," vowed Evans Silingi, the shopkeeper,
"four
Kikuyus will die."

A few moments later, police positioned on the Kikuyu side fired
several shots into the air, sending Silingi and other opposition
demonstrators running through the maze of dirt paths.

About an hour away in the tourist town of Naivasha, military
helicopters swooped down and fired bullets on a crowd of thousands of
Kikuyus threatening to attack a smaller group of Luos who had fled to
the grounds of the Naivasha Country Club, the Associated Press
reported. The gangs then ransacked the town, smashing and looting
shops as police seemed to lose control.

But tensions relaxed later in the day as people who had earlier run
for their lives, hurled rocks and hidden in houses gathered around
radios and TVs to hear if Annan's mediation had produced any results.

At a news conference here, Annan said the two sides had agreed on a
plan for talks that would seek to address the immediate political
crisis within four weeks and the broader land and economic issues
within a year.

"Death and despair are everywhere," Odinga said at the news
conference. "The very foundation of the state is crumbling. Violence
is spiraling out of control. . . . Yet we ourselves here resolve to
act quickly to save our nation. If we don't, there might be no nation
to save."

In a rare public address, Kibaki expressed "distress" at the news of
Were's death, calling him "a gallant son of our nation." He added,
"As
leaders, we have a responsibility to preach peace."

The words filtered through a radio and into a crowd still gathered
outside Were's house in the cool Nairobi evening.

Among the group of friends and supporters stood Were's father, Tony
Were Amina, who said his firstborn son was "a quiet and intelligent
boy."

"He was a peaceful person," he said, struggling to maintain his
composure. "He hated violence."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/01/29/AR200...
 
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